Sadistic Personality Disorder in Perpetrators of Human Rights Abuses: A South African Case Study

2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 475-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Debra Kaminer ◽  
Dan J. Stein
Author(s):  
Izette Bredenkamp ◽  
Andre Wessels

South African chaplains’ spouses and the Border War (1966–1989): A case study of denominational pastoral care. Pastoral care of soldiers during times of war and armed conflict has been part and parcel of the Christian religion since the Council of Ratisbon officially authorised chaplains for armies in 742. However, studies in South Africa revealed that government institutions and especially the Dutch-Afrikaans denominations did not wholeheartedly adhere to this tradition during the two world wars of the twentieth century. The task of pastoral care to those affected by the war circumstances was left to civilian organisations and women. Socio-political changes invalidated this accussation during the Border War (1966–1989). This article gives a historical perspective on the pastoral care endeavours of the spouses of military chaplains as a case study of denominational support to those affected by armed conflict. Women’s experiences during war circumstances have long been neglected in academic circles. During times of war, they are often the victims of human rights’ abuses, but they also become beacons of hope and consolation, as is illustrated in this article. This exposition contributes to a historical understanding of the way women experience war and the support they provide during times of armed conflict. It also illustrates the value of women during times of war trauma, and provides a different perspective on the military context, which is usually mostly defined in masculine terms.In die Christelike tradisie is die pastorale versorging van soldate tydens oorlogsomstandighede en gewapende konflik ’n gegewe sedert die Konsilie van Ratisbon in 742, toe gelas is dat kapelane die leërs moet vergesel. Studie in Suid-Afrika het egter ’n versuim van owerheidsweë, en veral van die kant van die Hollands-Afrikaanse kerke in Suid-Afrika aangetoon om oorloggeaffekteerdes en oorlogbetrokkenes tydens die twee wêreldoorloë van die twintigste eeu pastoraal te versorg. Hierdie taak is in Suid- Afrika aan burgerlike organisasies en vroue oorgelaat. Tydens die Grensoorlog (1966–1989) het die prentjie egter verander. Hierdie artikel wil ’n historiese perspektief verskaf op die uitreike van die eggenotes van militêre kapelane, as ’n gevallestudie van geloofsgemeenskappe se pastorale versorging van diegene wie se lewens deur gewapende konflik geraak word. Vroue se ervarings gedurende tye van oorlog en gewapende konflik is vir ’n geruime tyd in akademiese geskiedskrywing genegeer. Vroue is dikwels gedurende oorlogsomstandighede slagoffers van menseregtevergrype, maar hulle kan ook as bakens van hoop, vertroosting en heropbou na vore tree soos hierdie artikel probeer aantoon. Hierdeur word ’n bydrae tot ’n historiese begrip van die belewenis van vroue tydens oorlogsomstandighede gemaak, asook die wyse waarop vroue ondersteuningsnetwerke kan skep in gemeenskappe wat deur gewapende konflik geraak word. Dit illustreer verder die waarde van vroue ten tye van oorlogstrauma, en dit gee ’n ander perspektief op die militêre konteks wat gewoonlik in manlike terme gedefinieer word.


2007 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 955-964 ◽  
Author(s):  
MAX DU PLESSIS

This article considers the work of John Dugard in the field of human rights and international law and the impact thereof on the South African legal landscape. After tracing the importance of Dugard's early work in South Africa in the fields of legal philosophy, human rights, and international law, the article turns to consider the later achievements in Dugard's prestigious career. The author highlights the numerous cases in which Dugard appeared as counsel before the South African courts, and considers the impact that Dugard had on the drafting of the South African Constitution in relation to international law and its use in interpreting the South African Bill of Rights. The final section of the article considers the shameful failure of the South African government to support Dugard in his bid to be appointed as a judge of the International Court of Justice. The author concludes that notwithstanding the fact that the government has not accorded him the recognition he deserves, Dugard's pioneering human rights work continues unabated in his various positions, including in his role as the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights abuses in occupied Palestine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arrigo Pallotti

Since the early 1990s African regional and continental organisations have been playing an active role in maintaining military security and promoting democracy, good governance and respect for human rights in Africa. However, their efforts have often proved ineffective. This article contributes to the analysis of the causes of the difficulties African multilateral organisations have been facing in promoting democracy and human rights on the continent through a case-study of SADC's policy towards the crisis in Zimbabwe. The article shows that SADC efforts aimed at restoring democracy and putting an end to human rights abuses in Zimbabwe were critically hampered by the history of political antagonism among the Southern African governments, and by SADC's inability to draw a clear distinction between respect for human rights and the promotion of a neoliberal strategy of regional development. In the end, SADC diplomatic efforts were caught between the demagogic rhetoric of the ZANU-PF regime as represented by President Mugabe, and the international consensus on development. SADC ultimately proved unable to both help redress the deep economic and social inequalities in Zimbabwe and uphold human rights in the country


2012 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 162-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Caswell

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the importance of classification structures to efforts at holding perpetrators of human rights abuses accountable using one archival repository in Cambodia as a case study.Design/methodology/approachThe primary methodology of this paper is a textual analysis of the Documentation Center of Cambodia's classification scheme, as well as a conceptual analysis using the theoretical framework originally posited by Bowker and Star and further developed by Harris and Duff. These analyses were supplemented by interviews with key participants.FindingsThe Documentation Center of Cambodia's classification of Khmer Rouge records by ethnic identity has had a major impact on charging former officials of the regime with genocide in the ongoing human rights tribunal.Social implicationsAs this exploration of the DC‐Cam database shows, archival description can be used as a tool to promote accountability in societies coming to terms with difficult histories.Originality/valueThis paper expands and revises Harris and Duff's definition of liberatory description to include Spivak's concept of strategic essentialism, arguing that archivists’ classification choices have important ethical and legal consequences.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 80-97
Author(s):  
Karen Abney-Korn ◽  
Shawn Cassiman ◽  
Dana Fleetham

Abstract Activists and academics have been sounding the alarms for years: climate change, globalization, capitalism, human rights abuses, and more. The alarms appeared to fall upon the deaf ears of the slumbering “multitude.” The Arab Spring, European movements, global and local attacks upon labor, and the Occupy Wall Street movement have awakened us from a slumber reliant upon vacuous media, consumption, alienation and isolationism. In shattering this spell, Occupy Wall Street has called us into the streets in record numbers, opening space for a new opportunity to imagine. Some scholars argue, “. . . we need Marxism to understand the structure of society and anarchism to prefigure or anticipate a new society” (Lynd and Grubacic 2008:xiii). We agree. In this article, we employ a local Occupy case study to briefly discuss 1) the historical contributions to Occupy Wall Street, 2) and to argue that it is precisely the opportunity to imagine, to anticipate, to challenge the “real” that holds the most promise for the development, and future, of the Occupy Wall Street movement.


2000 ◽  
Vol 99 (637) ◽  
pp. 227-230
Author(s):  
Lyn Graybill

All the [South African] media—with the exception of the alternative press—violated the public's basic right to information on what had been done on their behalf in the name of apartheid. … By keeping the public in the dark, they contributed to a climate in which human rights abuses against blacks could and did prevail.


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