HUMAN RIGHTS AND REGIONAL COOPERATION IN AFRICA: SADC AND THE CRISIS IN ZIMBABWE

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arrigo Pallotti

Since the early 1990s African regional and continental organisations have been playing an active role in maintaining military security and promoting democracy, good governance and respect for human rights in Africa. However, their efforts have often proved ineffective. This article contributes to the analysis of the causes of the difficulties African multilateral organisations have been facing in promoting democracy and human rights on the continent through a case-study of SADC's policy towards the crisis in Zimbabwe. The article shows that SADC efforts aimed at restoring democracy and putting an end to human rights abuses in Zimbabwe were critically hampered by the history of political antagonism among the Southern African governments, and by SADC's inability to draw a clear distinction between respect for human rights and the promotion of a neoliberal strategy of regional development. In the end, SADC diplomatic efforts were caught between the demagogic rhetoric of the ZANU-PF regime as represented by President Mugabe, and the international consensus on development. SADC ultimately proved unable to both help redress the deep economic and social inequalities in Zimbabwe and uphold human rights in the country

2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 439-457 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee C. Moerman ◽  
Sandra L. van der Laan

This paper documents the history of paternalistic state policies and the effects of asbestos mining on the Indigenous community at Baryulgil in northern New South Wales. Despite the lack of profitability, the asbestos operations continued for over 30 years leaving a legacy of asbestos-related health and environmental issues. The shift of responsibility for Indigenous welfare from the State to a corporate entity is evidenced in this historical study using the lens of historical institutionalism. The Baryulgil case is instructive in a number of ways: it demonstrates the subtlety with which human rights abuses can occur in an environment where paternalistic attitudes towards Indigenous peoples prevail; it demonstrates the clash between pursuit of corporate objectives and human rights; and finally it demonstrates the lack of corporate accountability in the asbestos industry.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-147
Author(s):  
Kim Lah ◽  
Anthony Collins

This paper explores the 2004 Kilwa massacre in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) through a decolonial perspective, explaining how the massacre is situated within the history of colonial power and global capitalist relations. As such, the convergence of mining and political interests that created the context in which this violence was possible is examined, rather than the specific human rights abuses committed during the massacre. This approach highlights how such acts of violence are an ongoing factor of colonial and postcolonial exploitation, as well as the difficulties in holding the responsible parties accountable. This investigation shows the importance of developing a decolonial Southern criminology that contextualizes human rights abuses within local and international systems of power and locates acts of criminal violence within the broader networks of structural violence.


1993 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Gillies

This article examines the case for and against applying political conditions to World Bank lending, the circumstances that might trigger such conditions, and the means by which they may be applied. It also surveys the genesis and diverse meaning of the ‘good governance’ agenda and briefly examines how the Bank responded to human rights abuses in China and Kenya.


AKADEMIKA ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Moh. Ah. Subhan ZA ◽  
Akmalur Rijal

The purpose of zakat to develop the social economic value of society is difficult to materialize if there is no active role of zakat managers (amil) who are required to be professional and innovative in managing zakat funds. The main function of the amil zakat institution lies in the activities of collecting, distributing, and utilizing zakat. The activity of collecting zakat in the history of Islam, is an activity or effort of amil in collecting zakat by picking up or taking from the place of amil. In addition to taking zakat, the amils who are in charge of taking zakat must also pray for those who pay zakat.This study aims to determine the implementation of productive zakat fund management and empowerment of the poor on zakat funds that are given by LAIZSNU Lamongan. By using the case study method, so as to be able to photograph how LAZISNU Lamongan's performance is in managing productive zakat funds . Lazisnu Lamongan has 3 zakat distribution programs, namely humanitarian, health and economic assistance. The mustahik empowerment program is included in the economic assistance program.


2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janne Bjerre Christensen

Europe has a strong interest in and a history of assisting Iran in controlling inflows of drugs from Afghanistan. But due to Iran's increasing use of the death penalty in drug trafficking cases, Europe has terminated its cooperation. Based on interviews with Iranian policy-makers and representatives of both human rights organizations and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), this article presents Denmark's withdrawal of drug control funding in 2013 as a case study, analyzing the dilemmas and trajectories of joint Iranian-European drug diplomacy and the prospects for reengagement following the nuclear agreement.


Federalism has remained one of the thorniest issues in the history of Pakistan. The national consensusbased on 1973 constitution triedto resolve the issue by providingFederal, Concurrent and Residual powerslists in addition to detailing fiscal federalism.The inability to realise thecultural identities had developed deep seatedsense of alienation inthe smaller regional units (provinces)and consequently engineered separatist tendencies which led tothe separation of East Pakistan. The demarcation of powers of administrative and financial authorityvis-à-vis thefederation and the provincesalwaysremaineda contentious issue.Finally, the18thamendment wastermed as a genuine move towardsreal federal democracy by abolition of the concurrent list,giving the provinces access to their resources and acknowledging their right to make policies for revenue generation. However, still questions are beingraised about the capacity of the provinces to deliver. This research article assesses results ofthe 18thamendment on the functionability of provinces in terms of strengthening national integration and good governance. Moreover, the research examines exact nature and extent of the autonomy allowed to the provinces and its implementation. The province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has been selected as a case study with the help ofinterviews and questionnaires as data collecting tools. The research establishes that the 18thamendmentis a significant headway towards provincial autonomy enabling the provinces to acquire enough legal and financial autonomywith allocation of resources,as well as the capacity to expand the revenue base.It is concludedthat the 18thamendment has ensureddecentralization leading to true federalism and national integration.


1997 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-252

In the Harare Commonwealth Declaration of 1991, Commonwealth Heads of Government committed themselves to the promotion of democracy and human rights, the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary, and just and honest government. They also agreed that the promotion of democracy, democratic processes and institutions would proceed in a manner which reflected national circumstances. This Roundtable provided Commonwealth African leaders with a forum in which to discuss their respective experiences of democratization since the 1991 Declaration and was a ground-breaking exercise, having no precedent in the history of the Commonwealth or any other comparable institution. In preparation for the Roundtable itself, representatives of both governing and opposition parties from 18 Commonwealth African countries met and agreed the following Report which seeks to crystallize the aspirations of the Harare Declaration.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 69-89
Author(s):  
Anna Plunkett

Myanmar has a history of state sanctioned violence against its own people. However, as the regime transition occurs the methods of conducting such violence have also changed. This has not led to an end to violence but an alteration in the methods used by the state. What can be identified is the use of democratic regime transition to legitimise the state’s actions whilst delegitimising the plight of communities that have historically resisted the state. By engaging in the minimal standards of democratic practice whilst developing relations with the international community on the basis of trade, Myanmar has been able to create a protective layering system for its continued human rights abuses within its borderlands. This paper will analyse how Myanmar has effectively coopted the international community into ignoring the continuation of human rights abuses by creating an effectives market for its valuable resources. It will focus on the cases in Karen and Kachin State, two sub-regions within Myanmar that have experienced prolonged conflict and where human rights abuses continue with little oversight from the international community.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Maszlee Malik

‘Good governance’ agenda promoted by international institutions and other aid agencies as part of the globalisation phenomenon, proposes amongst others, the active role of a civil society as part of the process towards development. The effective functioning of a civil society is believed to facilitate the achievement of ‘good’ governance. Currently, the dynamism of global civil society movements has shifted to a new dimension to incorporate culture and faiths into the discourse on development, economy, politics and governance in a more progressive approach. Faith and religion, in tandem, have been identified empirically as another motivator for the civil society activism, hence, its distinctive role in development and good governance. Such phenomenon has been addressed in the many circles of academia. This paper will try to explore the role of faith in mobilizing civil society towards the achievement of what is known as ‘good governance’ in Malaysia by looking into Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM) as its case study.


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