One ᵲa – many meanings. Syntax, semantics and prosody of the Moroccan modal particle ᵲa and its Egyptian Arabic counterparts

2012 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dina El Zarka

AbstractThis paper presents a study of certain modal particles in Moroccan and Egyptian Arabic that can be classified asIt has long been noted that other types of discourse particles (

Languages ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Anna Roussou

The present paper discusses two sets of so-called particles in the Balkan languages, arguing that the correspondences attested in the E-languages reveal abstract properties at the level of the I-language. The first set involves modal particles which participate in the analytic expressions of the “future” and the “subjunctive”. Future markers are construed as V-related elements externalizing a scope position of the verb, while the subjunctive markers take their features from the nominal set. The second set of data involves the discourse marker “haide” which is argued to externalize features associated with the force of the sentence and its anchoring to the discourse participants. In the case of modal particles, the languages under consideration retain their own lexica, while in the case of the discourse marker, they share the same lexical item (lexical borrowing). Analysis of these phenomena supports an articulated left periphery which also accounts for the similar distribution of the discourse marker “haide”. At the same time, the different externalizations leave room for further microparametric variation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 469-486
Author(s):  
Stefan Hinterwimmer ◽  
Cornelia Ebert

This paper compares the modal particle fei (Schlieben-Lange, 1979; Thoma, 2009)with the modal particle/sentence adverb aber (not to be confused with the conjunction aber,‘but’). Intuitively, both items express some form of contrast and correction. We will show thatboth are special among discourse particles in the following sense: They make a contributionthat is interpreted at a level distinct from the level where at-issue content (Potts, 2005) isinterpreted, as is standard for modal particles (see Gutzmann, 2015 and the references therein).But more interestingly, they exclusively relate to propositions that have not entered theCommon Ground via being the at-issue content of an assertion made by the addressee.Keywords: discourse particles, assertions, at-issue content, presuppositions, conventionalimplicatures, conversational implicatures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-210
Author(s):  
Andreas Trotzke ◽  
Ermenegildo Bidese ◽  
Manuela Caterina Moroni

Abstract One of the main pedagogical objectives for language learners at high proficiency levels is to use ‘cohesive devices’ when writing a text or conducting a conversation. Usually, curricula stress the importance of clause-internal cohesion (by means such as connectives: and, but, when, because, etc.). By contrast, we stress the importance of cohesion at the level of the dialogue and in this context focus on discourse (aka ‘modal’) particles as a means to yield cohesion at that level. In this domain, German discourse particles represent a challenging learning objective for second language learners of German. This paper explores some production patterns of German discourse particles in L2 German by L1 Italian learners. We show that looking at those elements can provide new insights because these elements allow us to tease apart problems within syntax as compared to the lexicon-pragmatics interface in second language learning.


Author(s):  
Francesco Cangemi ◽  
Dina El Zarka ◽  
Simon Wehrle ◽  
Stefan Baumann ◽  
Martine Grice
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Peter Behnstedt ◽  
Manfred Woidich

This chapter deals with the sedentary dialects of Egypt, excluding the bedouin dialects of Sinai and the Libyan bedouin dialects on the Mediterranean coast. It attempts to combine historical information on the settlement of Arabic tribes in Egypt with accounts of present-day Egyptian dialects and those of the regions from which those tribes came, initially Yemen and the Levant, later Hejaz, and then the Maghreb. The diversity of the Egyptian Arabic dialect area is partly explained by external factors, namely different layers of arabization over centuries. It is also explained by internal factors, namely dialect contact, which implies phenomena such as hyperdialectisms. Egypt is seen as a dialect area in its own right, but one that shows phenomena of a transitional area between the Arab East and West. A case study of Alexandria deals with dialect death. The role of substrata is discussed, but is considered negligible.


2000 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 185-198
Author(s):  
Ruben Stoel
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Mamoru Saito

Japanese exhibits some unique features with respect to phrase structure and movement. It is well-known that its phrase structure is strictly head-final. It also provides ample evidence that a sentence may have more complex structure than its surface form suggests. Causative sentences are the best-known example of this. They appear to be simple sentences with verbs accompanying the causative suffix, -sase. But the causative suffix is an independent verb and takes a small clause vP complement in the syntactic representation. Japanese sentences can have a rich structure in the right periphery. For example, embedded clauses may contain up to three overt complementizers, corresponding to Finite (no), Interrogative (ka), and Report/Force (to). Matrix clauses may end in a sequence of discourse particles, such as wa, yo, and ne. Each of the complementizers and discourse particles has a selectional requirement of its own. More research is required to settle on the functional heads in the nominal structure. Among the controversial issues are whether D is present and whether Case markers should be analyzed as independent heads. Various kinds of movement operations are observed in the language. NP-movement to the subject position takes place in passive and unaccusative sentences, and clausal comparatives and clefts are derived by operator-movement. Scrambling is a unique movement operation that should be distinguished from both NP-movement and operator-movement. It does not establish operator-variable relations but is not subject to the locality requirements imposed on NP-movement. It cannot be PF-movement as it creates new binding possibilities. It is still debated whether head movement, for example, the movement of verb to tense, takes place in the language.


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