The Elephant in the Voting Booth?

Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-662
Author(s):  
Ted Hsuan Yun Chen ◽  
Chung-Li Wu
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Vote System ◽  
Vote Buying ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Before And After

In 2005, the single nontransferable vote system for legislative elections in Taiwan was replaced by a mixed-member majoritarian system, with an accompanying reduction in available district seats. In theory, by increasing the threshold of exclusion and placing the power of nomination in the hands of political parties, this reform should reduce vote-buying and local factionalism. We collected data on legislative nominees charged with vote-buying and on the local factional ties of candidates. Our results suggest that the reforms did reduce these problems. First, comparing the proportion of candidates charged with vote-buying before and after the reform shows a decrease in the second and third post-reform elections. Second, factional status predicts a candidate’s likelihood of running in consecutive elections before the reform but not after. Differences between factional and nonfactional candidates ceased to be significant after the reform, revealing the decreasing relevance of factions.

scholarly journals Deteriorating Image of Political Parties in Malang, Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. p34
Author(s):  
Budhy Prianto ◽  
Dwi Suharnoko
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Vote System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Legislative Election

In the democratic countries, political party acts as mediator bridging communication between government and its citizens. The decline of political party taking place before and after the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections and legislative elections certainly affects the political parties in carrying out their roles. Conducted in Malang, objective of this study is to describe factors contributing declining image of political parties and its implications. The findings showed that image of political parties are deteriorating due to lack of trust towards the political parties and politicians in the parliament. The Decree on direct vote system for both presidential and regional head election and establishment of an open proportional system in legislative election also contribute to the deterioration. Implications of the phenomenon are negative attitude and declining interest towards political party.

scholarly journals Tinjauan Sistem Proporsional Terbuka Dalam Pemilu Legislatif 2019 Terhadap Dinamika Demokrasi Di Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-22
Author(s):  
M Rizqi Azmi ◽  
Riko Riyanda
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Other ◽  
Voter Participation ◽  
Vote Buying ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Political Costs ◽  
The People ◽  
Area 6 ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
The One

In the 2019 DPR RI and Provincial, Regency and City (DPRD) DPRD elections, elections were conducted through an open proportional system. In Pekanbaru City, they also feel the same enthusiasm, proportional euphoria is open to election participants. However, this system also contains weaknesses according to the theory, including: Voters' political participation is damaged by political pragmatism in competing for votes so that on the one hand money politics or vote buying and selling are more prevalent, on the other hand political costs are getting more expensive, which encourages the people to corruption. Second, political parties are still dominated by a handful of people who created Politic Oligarch. From the results of the study, it shows that party elites and the voting community in Pekanbaru prefer an open proportional system in the 2019 legislative elections compared to closed proportional ones, there are several considerations such as: (1) An open proportional system is fair enough for legislative competition and can increase transparency in Elections. (2) With an open proportion, it can educate voters through campaign programs. (3) By using any system, the space for political money will always be open. (4) Lower serial numbers still have the opportunity to gain votes. (5) The open proportional system further legitimizes the people's sovereignty in the closed proportional area. (6) The open proportional system further increases voter participation.

An Inquiry into the Use of Illegal Electoral Practices and Effects of Political Violence and Vote-buying

2014 ◽  
Vol 58 (8) ◽  
pp. 1500-1527 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roxana Gutiérrez-Romero
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Panel Survey ◽  
Vote Buying ◽  
Electoral Violence ◽  
Before And After

This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated and whether those affected by vote-buying or post-electoral violence changed their views toward ethnopolitics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that vote-buying was used to mobilize parties’ own strongholds. Political parties also targeted vote-buying and threats toward specific ethnic groups and areas, potentially to weaken the support of their political rivals. In addition, we find that the victims of post-electoral violence are more likely to identify in ethnic terms and support the use of violence. The non-victims of post-electoral violence, but who experienced vote-buying after our first survey are also more likely to support the use of violence.

Minimalinvasiv oder wirksam? Debattenbeitrag zur Novellierung des Bundeswahlrechts vom Oktober 2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 675-684
Author(s):  
Johannes Krause
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Vote System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Standard Size ◽  
National Parliament ◽  
System P ◽  
Voting System ◽  
The Way

Despite the 2020 reform of Germany’s national parliament voting law, the debate about a robust voting system has not ended . Träger and Jacobs have convincingly shown that Naun­dorf’s suggestion to introduce a parallel voting system creates more problems than it solves, and thus more far-reaching approaches have to be considered . One way to stop the Bunde­stag from growing is to reject the two vote-system . Comparable to the system of Thuringia’s local elections, with open lists and three votes per voter, both the standard size of the Bun­destag can be safely adhered to and at the same time a personalized proportional represen­tation can be maintained . Among other advantages, the voters would have greater influence on the personalized composition of the Bundestag . In particular, reservations on the part of the political parties could stand in the way of such a sustainable solution to the ongoing problems with the German electoral system .

TERRORISM AND RIGHT-PARTY VOTE SHARES IN LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS

World Affairs ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 184 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-471
Author(s):  
Lance Y. Hunter ◽  
Joseph W. Robbins ◽  
Martha H. Ginn
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
Multiple Regions ◽  
Psychological Reasoning ◽  
Party Vote Shares

This study examines the electoral consequences for ideologically right-leaning political parties in the wake of terrorist attacks by employing an original dataset that captures political party vote shares and multiple terrorist indicators. Our analysis extends the partisan voting hypothesis to 56 democracies from multiple regions and levels of development between 1975–2014. Specifically, we find that the origins of terrorist perpetrators, the severity of terrorist attacks, and the frequency of terrorist incidents decrease right-party vote shares in legislative contests when incorporating standard controls. All told, these findings reinforce political psychological reasoning that contends terrorist attacks impact citizens’ emotions and voting calculations.

Women’s Electability in the 2019 Legislative Elections in Kulon Progo Regency

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-35
Author(s):  
Dian Eka Rahmawati ◽  
Devi Syahfitri
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Family Support ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Inhibiting Factors ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Skills Education ◽  
Campaign Time ◽  
Selection Of

Women's representation is indispensable in the policy making process related to women's interests and needs. Kulon Progo Regency is the only regency in DIY Province that has increased the number of female candidates elected in the 2019 legislative elections. This study aims to analyze the factors that influence women's elections in Kulon Progo Regency in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses qualitative methods. Data collection is done by documentation and interview techniques. The results showed that there had been an increase in the selection of female candidates by 2.5% compared to the 2014 legislative elections. Factors supporting women's electability: family support, social skills, education and political experience, support from political parties, and solidity of the success team. Inhibiting factors for women's electability: competition with incumbents, lack of education and political experience, open proportional electoral systems, limited funds, and limited campaign time.

Mexico: New Democracy with Old Parties?

Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 172-180
Author(s):  
Carlos E. Casillas ◽  
Alejandro Mújica
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Party System ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Contemporary History ◽  
Systematic Analysis ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Election Results ◽  
New Democracy

Mexico's 2000 presidential election was one of the most important political events in the nation's contemporary history. The victory of the National Action Party (PAN) and Vicente Fox, the first ‘non-official’ candidate ever to win a Mexican presidential election, surprised both local and world observers. This article comprises four parts. Part I very briefly places the election in historical perspective. In Part II, each of the three front-runners in the contest is profiled. Part III includes a systematic analysis of the general election results by constituencies or other territorial units, and features tabulated data. Part IV addresses the development of political parties and the party system before and after the elections.

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