Women’s Electability in the 2019 Legislative Elections in Kulon Progo Regency

Author(s):  
Dian Eka Rahmawati ◽  
Devi Syahfitri

Women's representation is indispensable in the policy making process related to women's interests and needs. Kulon Progo Regency is the only regency in DIY Province that has increased the number of female candidates elected in the 2019 legislative elections. This study aims to analyze the factors that influence women's elections in Kulon Progo Regency in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses qualitative methods. Data collection is done by documentation and interview techniques. The results showed that there had been an increase in the selection of female candidates by 2.5% compared to the 2014 legislative elections. Factors supporting women's electability: family support, social skills, education and political experience, support from political parties, and solidity of the success team. Inhibiting factors for women's electability: competition with incumbents, lack of education and political experience, open proportional electoral systems, limited funds, and limited campaign time.

PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 180-186
Author(s):  
Dian Eka Rahmawati ◽  
Afiyatika Mufidati

Legislative elections are a democratic instrument for selecting candidates who are expected to be able to channel people's aspirations in policy making. The presence of female candidates is expected to be able to influence the policy-making process related to women's needs and interests. In the 2019 legislative elections in the Special Region of Yogyakarta (DIY) there was an increase in the number of women at the candidacy stage and the number of elected candidates compared to the 2014 legislative elections. This study aims to analyze the factors that influence the electability of female candidates in the 2019 legislative elections in DIY. The results of the study found that there were differences in motivation between elected and unelected candidates. Strong motivation provides encouragement for female candidates to try their best to campaign for themselves with various strategies. Motivation as the main factor is supported by factors of network breadth, social and political experience, support and family background, and popularity.


This book uses the newly collected Political Party Database to investigate how political parties organize in contemporary parliamentary democracies. It develops new approaches and new measures for testing mid-level theories about the origins and impacts of parties’ organizational differences. Chapters in the first section catalogue cross-party differences in areas such as financial and staffing resources, party relations with societal groups, and roles of party members’ in party decision-making. These chapters find much greater similarities within countries than within party families. Chapters in the second section examine the impact of parties’ organizational differences, including on the selection of female candidates, the incorporation of new ideas in party manifestos, and the unity of parties’ legislative delegations. These and other chapters demonstrate how parties’ organizational efforts can affect important policy and political outcomes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Arif Sofianto

One of the entrances for women in politics is through kinship. In the 2020 regional head elections in Central Java, the nomination of women from incumbent families or political elites took place in various regions. Some have political experience; some have less experience. This paper examines how the nomination and victory of female candidates, whether because of kinship, or the need for experience, personal qualities, or other reasons. This research is descriptive with a qualitative approach, using data from the results of the vote, candidate data, and some related information. This study found that female candidates with kinship relations do not always win elections, but must have political capital, social capital, and competence, as well as support from political parties.


AKADEMIKA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 248-263
Author(s):  
Vivi Nor Vaiqoh

Education is basically an attempt to develop the potential of students and the demands of environmental conditions to have life skills. So that researchers interested in lifting the title "Implementation of Life Skills Education in Learning PAI At SMP Diponegoro. The formulation of the problem and the goal that researchers take is to answer questions and to find out how the implementation of life skills education in learning PAI, how the factors supporting and life skills and how to overcome the inhibiting factors of life skills in learning PAI in SMP Diponegoro Moropelang Babat Lamongan. To find out the problems and get the data clearly, here the researchers used a qualitative descriptive approach. The technique of collecting data and information is done through observation of events and circumstances relating to the implementation of life skills education in learning PAI, Interview principals, teachers PAI, teacher coaches life skills and learners and documentary archive of documentation that an official of the SMP Diponegoro Moropelang Babat Lamongan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-72
Author(s):  
Luky Sandra Amalia ◽  
Aisah Putri Budiatri ◽  
Mouliza KD. Sweinstani ◽  
Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas ◽  
Esty Ekawati

In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 746-772
Author(s):  
Zoe Lefkofridi ◽  
Nathalie Giger ◽  
Anne Maria Holli

AbstractDo political gender stereotypes exist in egalitarian settings in which all parties nominate women? Do they matter for candidate selection in systems of proportional representation with multiparty competition and preferential voting? To date, these questions remain unanswered because related research is limited to the U.S. case. Our pioneering study examines political stereotypes in one of the “least likely” cases, Finland—a global forerunner in gender equality. We find, first, that stereotypes persist even in egalitarian paradises. Second, when testing across settings of candidate choice, we find that the effect varies greatly: political gender stereotypes are powerful in hypothetical choices, but they work neither in favor of nor against female candidates when many “real,” viable, experienced, and incumbent female candidates are competing. Although in open-list systems with preferential voting, gender stereotypes can directly affect female candidates’ electoral success, in Finland, their actual impact in real legislative elections appears marginal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Made Dewi Sariyani ◽  
Kadek Sri Ariyanti ◽  
Dyah Pradnyaparamita ◽  
Ni Komang Ekawati

According to UNODC (The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime) in the World Drug Report in 2015, the estimated drug users in 2013 were 246 million people, where the highest number of drug cases occurred in the population of 15-64 years of age. The biggest factor that can influence the success of drug users to leave drugs forever is the strong intentions from within and positive family support. This study aimed to find out in depth regarding the process of establishing family support for rehabilitated adolescent drug abusers at Bangli Mental Hospital. This study employed a qualitative design. The qualitative data were gathered through in-depth interview to 12 informants, where 6 informants were the parents of the drug abusers, 3 nurses in the rehabilitation room, and 3 adolescents who were being rehabilitated in Bangli mental hospital. This study revealed that the family had internal and external factors as well as inhibiting factors in forming and providing support to residents. In forming support, the residents’ family had internal and external factors that influenced it, moreover they also had inhibiting factors such as feeling of weary and distance from home. Index Terms— support, family, adolescents, rehabilitation


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
John Bwalya ◽  
Owen B. Sichone

Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110409
Author(s):  
Rainbow Murray ◽  
Ragnhild Muriaas ◽  
Vibeke Wang

Contesting elections is extremely expensive. The need for money excludes many prospective candidates, resulting in the over-representation of wealth within politics. The cost of contesting elections has been underestimated as a cause of women’s under-representation. Covering seven case studies in six papers, this special issue makes theoretical and empirical contributions to understanding how political financing is gendered. We look at the impact on candidates, arguing that the personal costs of running for office can be prohibitive, and that fundraising is harder for female challengers. We also explore the role of political parties, looking at when and how parties might introduce mitigating measures to support female candidates with the costs of running. We demonstrate how political institutions shape the cost of running for office, illustrate how this is gendered and consider the potential consequences of institutional reform. We also note how societal gender norms can have financial repercussions for women candidates.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 594-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Astudillo ◽  
Klaus Detterbeck

In many Western democracies, political parties have started to open to members the selection of their leaders. While most studies focus on the introduction of this new selection method, its subsequent practice is still understudied. The article contributes to our still limited knowledge of this process by looking at two multilevel countries, Germany and Spain, where the mainstream parties have sometimes organized membership ballots, especially at the regional level, for leadership selection. Thanks to two original databases on party conferences and membership ballots, the article analyzes the background of this process and reviews the most common explanations offered by the literature. It shows that they are not held when parties want to regain power, or party chairs seek their nomination, as commonly believed, but when there are intraparty leadership disputes.


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