Contending Chinese Perspectives on China-Russia Military Partnership

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 240-259
Author(s):  
Lei Yu

China has worked with Russia to formulate a strategic partnership in the post–Cold War era to counter US containment and make the world order “more reasonable” and “fairer.” China has synchronized its military collaboration with Russia to modernize the once obsolete People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in pursuit of these objectives. The partnership and the modernization of the PLA reveal China’s preparedness for US military intervention in Taiwan and the South China Sea and for the power transition triggered by China’s ascent at the systemic (global) level. This reflects China’s intention to attain two goals: the first, to safeguard its territorial sovereignty particularly over the South China Sea, which has been in escalating disputes since US adoption of the strategies of “pivot to Asia” and “free navigation operations”; and the second, to protect China’s dream of national rejuvenation and reemergence as a great power from being interrupted by foreign intervention.

Significance Increased anxiety over Chinese land reclamation in the South China Sea, particularly its construction of an airstrip and harbour on Fiery Cross Reef, is drawing considerable attention to US policy in the region where US allies have been pressing for greater involvement. Impacts Regional and US rhetoric on Chinese reclamation may provoke an increased demonstration of US military engagement in the region. However, the size and scale of these activities will be highly dependent on the pace and character of Chinese activities. This issue is likely to be featured conspicuously by Carter at the Shangri-la Dialogue in Singapore. It will almost certainly raise difficulties during Chinese President Xi Jinping's September visit to Washington. Given Hillary Clinton's previous statements, pursuing a 'tough' China policy may become a prominent theme of her presidential bid.


Subject The outlook for deepening defence links between Japan and Malaysia. Significance Chinese Politburo member Yu Zhengsheng warned visiting Japanese lawmakers on June 29 that the South China Sea maritime disputes have "nothing to do with Japan". This comes amid new developments in South-east Asian governments' efforts to strengthen security cooperation with Japan. Among them is the agreement between Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on May 25 to elevate bilateral ties to the level of 'Strategic Partnership'. This reflects Malaysia's growing concern over China's actions in the South China Sea, which are increasingly expanding southwards, affecting Malaysian-claimed territorial waters. Malaysian officials on June 9 announced a complaint to China over a Chinese coast guard vessel near Luconia Shoals. Impacts The Philippines's armed forces are less powerful than Malaysia's, implying more scope to develop Japan-Philippines defence ties. Vietnam, and perhaps Indonesia, may be the next ASEAN countries to seek deeper defence ties with Japan. Malaysian criticism of China over the South China Sea could see a more assertive ASEAN over disputed maritime claims.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Phuong Hoang

The Sino-Vietnamese relationship is characterized by asymmetry, yet Vietnam’s post-Cold War foreign policy towards China encompasses three paradigms: (a) internal and external balancing against China, (b) greater international integration to prevent political and economic dependence on China and (c) ‘cooperation’ with China on mutual interests while ‘struggling’ against China’s encroachment on Vietnam’s sovereignty. The ongoing dispute in the South China Sea presents a primary security concern for Vietnam as well as a challenge to its bilateral relations with China, particularly as maritime tensions provoke nationalist and anti-China protests among the Vietnamese public. This article presents an analysis of anti-China protests in Vietnam that resulted from South China Sea tensions between 2007 and 2017 in order to examine whether the protests—which are rare in Vietnam—had any effect on Vietnam’s foreign policy towards China. The findings reveal that the protests did not result in a change in Vietnam’s foreign policy towards China both during the maritime crises or in the long term.


Author(s):  
P. А. Skiruta ◽  
I. N. Zolotukhin

В данной статье рассматривается политико-экономическая составляющая морского территориального конфликта между КНР и СРВ в Южно-Китайском море (ЮКМ), а также позиция России, находящейся в отношениях всеобъемлющего стратегического партнёрства с обоими диспутантами и заинтересованной в освоении нефтегазовых месторождений ЮКМ. Методологической основой работы является анализ результатов исследований отечественных и зарубежных авторов, а также материалов и документов в изучаемой проблеме. В статье представлены статистические данные по добыче углеводородов на территории ЮКМ, а также дана оценка рисков для России, Китая и Вьетнама. In this article, we will consider the political and economic components of the maritime territorial conflict between China and Vietnam in the South China Sea, as well as the position of Russia, which is in a comprehensive strategic partnership with both disputants. The maritime territorial conflict in South China Sea has existed for many years and is investigated by many researchers because both claimants cannot come to term with each other. The article briefly describes the conflict anatomy and arguments submitted by both countries. Russia is interested in developing the oil and gas fields of the South China Sea. It should be emphasized that Russia is trying to keep economic cooperation with both China and Vietnam despite the considered conflict. The methodological basis of the work includes the analysis of the research findings from domestic and foreign authors, as well as materials and documents in the problem studied. The article presents the statistics on hydrocarbon production in the area of the South China Sea. The estimation and analysis of both risks and prospects for further cooperation in the disputed areas are given in the work


Asian Survey ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 572-595 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheldon W. Simon

This article assesses Southeast Asian views of the US “rebalance,” examining reactions to US military deployments, military assistance to partners, and support for Southeast Asian diplomacy on South China Sea conflicts. Although not ostensibly designed to contain China, the rebalance provides Southeast Asia with hedging options against more assertive PRC actions in the South China Sea.


Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

This chapter discusses the South China Sea island disputes that have become the frontline in the US’s growing confrontation with China in Asia and the justification for a reinforced US military presence in the region. It particularly examines the role of the Philippines. While its neighbours have tried to soothe relations with China and keep on friendly terms with the US, the Philippines has placed itself at the head of a confrontation with China in the South China Sea. Its interventions since 2010, particularly its decision to refer the issues to the Arbitration court at the Hague have played a key role in turning the Sea into a global security hotspot. The chapter argues that it is primarily down to the Philippines that the US has been able to reestablish its presence and become a key actor in the South China Sea, justifying a stepped up US navy presence.


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