Israel Undercover, Part II: Israel's Secret Wars: A History of Israel's Intelligence Services. . Ian Black, Benny Morris.

1992 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 104-105
Author(s):  
Kathleen Christison
1993 ◽  
Vol 98 (2) ◽  
pp. 538
Author(s):  
Robert O. Freedman ◽  
Ian Black ◽  
Benny Morris

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-389
Author(s):  
Ludmyla Yudko

The article concentrates on the role of the concepts TOLERANCE OF INTELLIGENCE SERVICE, DIE TOLERANZ DES SICHERHEITSDIENSTES, ТОЛЕРАНТНОСТЬ СПЕЦСЛУЖБЫ, ТОЛЕРАНТНІСТЬ СПЕЦСЛУЖБИ in institutional discourse practice, which is a testimony of positive strategies and forms of behavior to avoid conflict situations in communication; it also gives analysis and systematization of modern scientific approaches and methods of research of concepts at the intersection of Linguistics and other humanities (Linguoculturology, Linguophilosophy, Linguopragmatics, Linguocognitology, Psycholinguistic); the effectiveness of triangulation approach in concepts research is defined, the role of the concepts TOLERANCE OF INTELLIGENCE SERVICE, DIE TOLERANZ DES SICHERHEITSDIENSTES, ТОЛЕРАНТНОСТЬ СПЕЦСЛУЖБЫ, ТОЛЕРАНТНІСТЬ СПЕЦСЛУЖБИ for representatives of Great Britain, Germany, Russia, Ukraine is determined by means of psycholinguistic analysis, answers of 100 English-speaking, 100 German-speaking, 200 Russian-speaking and 200 Ukrainian-speaking respondents are analyzed and the conceptual-thematic groups of reactions to stimulus tolerance of intelligence service in those languages are singled out. The results of the analysis showed the inherent adequacy of all respondents designing the concepts TOLERANCE OF INTELLIGENCE SERVICE, DIE TOLERANZ DES SICHERHEITSDIENSTES, ТОЛЕРАНТНОСТЬ СПЕЦСЛУЖБЫ, ТОЛЕРАНТНІСТЬ СПЕЦСЛУЖБИ for activity of intelligence services within its linguistic and cultural history. According to the associative experiment, joint and distinctive components of the values have been established, value component of the concepts TOLERANCE OF INTELLIGENCE SERVICE, DIE TOLERANZ DES SICHERHEITSDIENSTES, ТОЛЕРАНТНОСТЬ СПЕЦСЛУЖБЫ, ТОЛЕРАНТНІСТЬ СПЕЦСЛУЖБИ for the linguistic cultures have been defined. Common for linguistic cultures, in which the discourse of tolerance is developed – English linguistic culture, German linguistic culture, Ukrainian linguistic culture – is a presence in conceptual consciousness of the carriers of linguistic cultures that are investigated of the generated samples of intelligence services and their specialists, whose activity is associated with the concepts TOLERANCE OF INTELLIGENCE SERVICE, DIE TOLERANZ DES SICHERHEITSDIENSTES, ТОЛЕРАНТНІСТЬ СПЕЦСЛУЖБИ with positive connotations. The representatives of the Russian linguistic culture are distinguished for their failure to perceive intelligence services through the prism of the concept ТОЛЕРАНТНОСТЬ СПЕЦСЛУЖБЫ. The data of the experiment confirmed the existence of the paradigm of INTOLERANCE – TOLERANCE – ZERO TOLERANCE in the conceptual consciousness of the carriers of the English linguistic culture, German linguistic culture, Ukrainian linguistic culture. For representatives of Russian linguistic culture tolerance is perceived as a quality hostile to the Russian national picture of the world and acquires valence qualities of intolerance. Based on the analysis of the associative experiment, it is concluded that the specificity of positioning of the concepts TOLERANCE OF INTELLIGENCE SERVICE, DIE TOLERANZ DES SICHERHEITSDIENSTES, ТОЛЕРАНТНОСТЬ СПЕЦСЛУЖБЫ, ТОЛЕРАНТНІСТЬ СПЕЦСЛУЖБИ in linguistic cultures that are investigated is conditioned by the uniqueness of conceptual pictures of the world, mentality and history of nations.


Author(s):  
Andrew W. Neal

This chapter begins with the history of security as a form of ‘anti-politics’, from Hobbes to 20th century struggles to tame the ‘rogue elephant’ of the US intelligence services. It discusses the growth of security practices since 9/11 and reviews a range of key literature in security studies that perpetuates the ‘anti-politics’ idea. The chapter then explores the key concepts of the book including the meaning of ‘politics’, the stakes involved in defining what is and is not ‘political’, and the normative and analytical significance of the concept of ‘normal politics’ in relation to the ‘exceptional politics’ of security. It also discusses the ‘political game’ and ‘professional politics’ as the empirical focus of the book, framing this through works of Machiavelli, Weber, Foucault, and Bourdieu. The chapter closes by describing the overarching historical narrative and extended UK case study of the book: a four-decade shift from institutionalised forms of ‘exceptional’ security politics in 1980s to the current situation in which security is a ‘whole of government’ project that increasingly occupies the ‘normal’ activities of politics.


Author(s):  
Anthony Rimmington

Stalin's Secret Weapon is a gripping account of the early history of the globally significant Soviet biological weapons program, including its key scientists, its secret experimental bases and the role of intelligence specialists, establishing beyond doubt that the infrastructure created by Stalin continues to form the core of Russia's current biological defense network. Anthony Rimmington has enjoyed privileged access to an array of newly available sources and materials, including declassified British Secret Intelligence Service reports. The evidence contained therein has led him to conclude that the program, with its network of dedicated facilities and proving grounds, was far more extensive than previously considered, easily outstripping those of the major Western powers. As Rimmington reveals, many of the USSR's leading infectious disease scientists, including those focused on pneumonic plague, were recruited by the Soviet military and intelligence services. At the dark heart of this bacteriological archipelago lay Stalin, and his involvement is everywhere to be seen, from the promotion of favored researchers to the political repression and execution of the lead biological warfare specialist, Ivan Mikhailovich Velikanov.


Author(s):  
Marian Zulean

Romania has no tradition in militarism despite its history of authoritarian regimes in 20th century. The process of modernization and democratization that started in the middle of 19th century was interrupted for about half a century by the authoritarian regime of King Carol II (1938), followed by a military dictatorship during the Second World War, and continued with a Communist dictatorship until 1989. The transition to democracy started in 1990 from a very low level, Ceausescu’s regime being one of the fiercest dictatorial regimes. However, Romania succeeded in building up a functional democracy and market economy with Western assistance that transformed it into a full member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU). One basic conditionality to the admission into NATO and the EU was putting the military under civilian control and building up democratic civil–military relations. Thus, Romania has no history of military involvement in politics. After three decades of transition, Romania implemented a complex mechanism of democratic control of the military. However, issues regarding the incomplete internalization of democratic norms of control of the military, resistance to change through the system of military education, an obsolete national security legislation, and some legacy practices related to rights abuses perpetrated by intelligence services need to be addressed in order to consider Romania a consolidated democracy.


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