Notes on an Unpublished Letter by Hồ Chí Minh to a French Pastor (September 8, 1921) or the Art of Dissenting Evangelization

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-28
Author(s):  
Pascal Bourdeaux

Having lived in Paris starting in the summer of 1919 at the latest, Nguyễn Ái Quốc committed himself to the struggle against colonization and joined forces with all those with allied objectives who could support his cause before drawing nearer to the French Communist Party in 1920. During the course of 1921, he learned of a group of French Protestants who hoped to undertake an exploratory mission in Indochina. In the letter that he addresses to the pastor pioneering the project, Nguyễn Ái Quốc clearly exposes the contradictions of a process that is doubtlessly laudable yet still quite contrary in nature, since evangelization was an accomplice to colonization. These research notes present an unpublished document that throws light on the intellectual development of the future Hồ Chí Minh on the numerous origins of Vietnamese Protestantism, and on the debates about colonization and evangelization occurring within French Protestantism.

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-268
Author(s):  
Annie Kriegel

From 1920 to 1939, under the Third Republic, and again from 1943 to 1947, under the Fourth, the French communists were able to present themselves as the harbingers of the future society. But this did not prevent them from improvising, according to circumstances and to the response they received, bold variations on the theme of their relations with the established power and society. The question which so many people are now asking: ‘Have the communists really changed ?’ can be reduced to asking whether, in the fifties although possibly in a confused way, it was not their doctrinal basis which changed; and therefore whether, after a long and victorious battle and with the revolution definitely a thing of the past, we cannot now speak of communist integration, Just as it took sixty years for the modern form of Catholicism to triumph, so perhaps a certain kind of socialist revisionism could now also triumph in similar conditions. To discover whether this is so is the object of the present enquiry.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 334-347
Author(s):  
Jisheng Sun

Summary Discursive power is the reflection of a country’s national strength and international influence. The increase of economic power does not necessarily mean the increase of discursive power. The improvement of discursive power has to be strategically designed and multidimensionally improved. Due to China’s historical experiences regarding discursive power, China is weak in many fields. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, China began to pay more attention to improve its international discursive power such as expanding its discursive presence and strengthening effectiveness of its voice, changing language style, enhancing institutional power and innovating diplomatic practice. In the future, more substantive efforts will be needed such as strengthening the overall strategic layout, enhancing institutional discursive power in various fields, improving the discursive system and promoting integration of China’s major diplomatic ideas and discourse with global ones.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-19
Author(s):  
I.Y. Kulagina ◽  
N.B. Shumakova

The article presents research data on the attitude of gifted children aged 9-10 years to different ages, their ideas about the future, setting short-and long-term goals. There is a great creative potential of giftedness, but how much it will be realized when reaching maturity depends not only on cognitive sphere, but also on the characteristics of the personality. The psychological literature contains contradictory information about the personal characteristics of gifted children; there is very little data on such aspect of personal development as orientation to the future, which determines the relevance and novelty of the study. The study involved 96 children with IQ≥115, enrolled in grades 3 and 4 of the gymnasium for gifted children, and 104 children enrolled in grades 3 and 4 of the secondary school under the traditional program (Moscow). We used the modified method of B. Zazzo “Golden age”, the projective method “Unfinished sentences” and the method of M.V. Matyukhina, which allows us to determine educational motivation in primary school age. It is shown that the majority of primary school children prefer youth as the age period of maximum opportunities. Gifted children are less likely than their peers with normative intellectual development to set short-range goals of good and excellent studies, self-improvement in activities that require physical effort, and more goals related to filling the lack of emotional support. The area of long-range goals related to youth is wider for younger students. Gifted children have a more pronounced orientation to high material security and freedom in its various manifestations, to a lesser extent – to the traditional construction of life (work, family, children).


1996 ◽  
Vol 101 (2) ◽  
pp. 509
Author(s):  
Irwin M. Wall ◽  
D. S. Bell ◽  
Byron Criddle

Author(s):  
Anna Müller

This article looks at a select number of biographies of Władysław Gomułka—an important postwar Polish politician, who because of his long presence in politics is often perceived as the de facto Polish postwar leader. He served in multiple roles: parliamentary deputy, deputy prime minister, minister, member of the Council of State, and the First Secretary of the communist party. I argue that for historians who take up the task of writing his biography, Gomułka is more than a historical figure, and that writing about him allows them to ponder the question of agency and historical contingencies, as well as the meaning of the past for the present. Not surprisingly, Gomułka’s biography serves as a form of a meta-commentary on contemporary approach to the Communist history and its place in Polish history. The existing biographies contain reflections, even if indirectly, on the nature of Communism in Poland, not as elements of the past but as aspects of the present that loom over the future. By the same token, the lack of interest in Gomułka at certain important historical junctures, or a rather selective interest, indicates not as much a lack of interest in an important politician, but rather a certain skewed interest in Communism—not just its shortcomings, but also its potential benefits. The silence gives a certain perception of Communism as something pushed to the margins.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document