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Gilles de Kerchove was appointed European Union (EU) Counter-Terrorism Coordinator (EU CTC) on 19 September 2007. In this function, he coordinates the work of the EU in the field of counterterrorism (CT), maintains an overview of all the instruments at the Union's disposal, closely monitors the implementation of the EU CT strategy and fosters better communication between the EU and third countries to ensure that the Union plays an active role in the fight against terrorism. He was previously Director for Justice and Home Affairs at the EU Council General Secretariat (1995–2007) and Deputy Secretary of the Convention which drafted the Charter of fundamental rights of the EU (1999–2000). Before that he was Head of the Private Office of the Deputy Prime-Minister of the Federal Government of Belgium, Minister of Justice and Minister of Economic Affairs (1993–1995) and Head of the Private Office of the Deputy Prime-Minister of the Federal Government of Belgium, Minister of Justice and Minister of SMEs (1989–1992). Mr de Kerchove is a Professor of European Law at the Université Catholique de Louvain, at the Université Libre de Bruxelles and at the Université Saint Louis-Bruxelles. He has published a number of books and numerous articles on European law, human rights, security and CT.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Minh-Hoang Nguyen

Phenikaa Uni (25-9-2021). — The VIASM root traces back to August 2007, following the IMO-48. The Government of Vietnam had decided to develop a “National Program for the Development of Mathematics until 2020” (NPDM) under the direct guidance of the Deputy Prime Minister, Professor Nguyen Thien Nhan. The chief of the Drafting Committee was a mathematician – Professor Tran Van Nhung, then Vice-Minister of Education and Training. Many Vietnamese mathematics professors joined the Drafting Committee. As determined by the Drafting Committee from the outset, the critical point of the program was to set up an advanced research institute.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-309
Author(s):  
I. I. Dedov ◽  
G. A. Frank ◽  
N. G. Mokrisheva ◽  
M. V. Shestakova ◽  
G. A. Melnichenko ◽  
...  

Coding of the causes of death of patients with diabetes mellitus (DM) in the Russian Federation is one of the long-discussed problems, due to the comorbidity of diabetes and cardiovascular diseases (CVD) and a number of contradictions in the key regulatory documents regulating the statistics of mortality in this category of patients, which acquires particular relevance in the context of the coronavirus pandemic, due to its negative impact on the outcomes of the course of COVID-19 and mortality risks. In pursuance of the decisions of the Minutes of the meeting of the working group under the project committee of the National Project «Health» on identifying patterns in the formation of mortality rates of the population dated January 20, 2021 No. 1, chaired by Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation T.A. Golikova, experts of two directions - endocrinology and pathological anatomy, prepared a Draft of agreed recommendations on the Rules for coding the causes of death of patients with diabetes, causing the greatest problems in terms of the use of ICD-10 when choosing the initial cause of death, including in the case of death from CVD and COVID-19.


Author(s):  
Anna Müller

This article looks at a select number of biographies of Władysław Gomułka—an important postwar Polish politician, who because of his long presence in politics is often perceived as the de facto Polish postwar leader. He served in multiple roles: parliamentary deputy, deputy prime minister, minister, member of the Council of State, and the First Secretary of the communist party. I argue that for historians who take up the task of writing his biography, Gomułka is more than a historical figure, and that writing about him allows them to ponder the question of agency and historical contingencies, as well as the meaning of the past for the present. Not surprisingly, Gomułka’s biography serves as a form of a meta-commentary on contemporary approach to the Communist history and its place in Polish history. The existing biographies contain reflections, even if indirectly, on the nature of Communism in Poland, not as elements of the past but as aspects of the present that loom over the future. By the same token, the lack of interest in Gomułka at certain important historical junctures, or a rather selective interest, indicates not as much a lack of interest in an important politician, but rather a certain skewed interest in Communism—not just its shortcomings, but also its potential benefits. The silence gives a certain perception of Communism as something pushed to the margins.


Significance The reshuffle involves some significant changes, including the promotion of Economy Minister Nadia Calvino as first deputy prime minister. Other notable changes include new ministers at the head of foreign policy and territorial policy, which deals with relations with Catalonia. Impacts Sanchez has increased the number of women and young people in the new cabinet; this could broaden his appeal among centrist voters. While Madrid will continue to respect EU policy parameters, Sanchez’s continued reliance on UP and ERC support will worry investors. Sanchez’s leadership of the PSOE could come under threat if he is seen as ‘giving too much’ to Catalan nationalists.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-35
Author(s):  
Asriani Zuriah Harahap ◽  
Yulianus Harefa ◽  
M. Syafie’ie Siregar

           The main objective of this study was to describe the implementation of virtual debate in teaching speaking and to identify students’ speaking skill improvement after being taught by using virtual debate. To achieve the objective of the study, a qualitative descriptive method was used. The data was gathered through debate speeches given by eight debaters from SMA Muhammadiyah 9 Kualuh Hulu. It includes the Opening Government team (Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister), the Opening Opposition team (Leader of the Opposition and Deputy Leader of the Opposition), Closing Government (Government Member and Government Whip), and Closing Opposition (Closing Government and Closing Whip) taken from the practicing debate for 4 meetings. The data in this study were the transcription of debate activities. The steps taken in this analysis were collecting data by transcribing debate speeches into text, identifying improvisation and fluency, and concluding the analysis. The results showed that the improvisation and fluency of the Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, Leader of the Opposition, Deputy Leader of the Opposition, Government Member, Government Whip, Closing Government, and Closing Whip were in medium levels from the beginner level. In both improvisation and fluency levels, debate speeches showed considerable improvisation and fluency.


Significance In early April, Deputy Prime Minister Heng Swee Keat announced that he was stepping aside as Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s designated successor. The key challenge in foreign policy remains navigating the regional fallout of escalating US-China tensions. Impacts Major infrastructure projects such as construction of a new terminal at Changi Airport will resume as the economy picks up. The lucrative tourism industry will revive slowly with the introduction of travel bubbles and vaccine passports. Singapore will aim to become a regional hub for production of COVID-19 vaccines.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Ayson

New Zealand's willingness to call out irresponsible great power behaviour is a major test for Jacinda Ardern’s promise that her government will stand up for its values internationally. In fact, New Zealand has been weaker on Russia’s irresponsibility in the Ardern era than it was under the National Party-led governments of John Key and Bill English. The situation is reversed, however, for New Zealand's response to irresponsible international behaviour by China from the South China Sea to cybersecurity and human rights. Ardern’s commitments to international tolerance and cooperation have also made for a stronger response to the divisive turn in US foreign policy under Donald Trump. But there has also greater inconsistency in New Zealand's positioning since Ardern became Prime Minister in late 2017. Among the explanations for these trends is the Labour Party’s agreement to hand the foreign affairs and defence portfolios to the New Zealand First Party, which has amplified the contribution to New Zealand policy pronouncements by the Deputy Prime Minister Winston Peters.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Ayson

New Zealand's willingness to call out irresponsible great power behaviour is a major test for Jacinda Ardern’s promise that her government will stand up for its values internationally. In fact, New Zealand has been weaker on Russia’s irresponsibility in the Ardern era than it was under the National Party-led governments of John Key and Bill English. The situation is reversed, however, for New Zealand's response to irresponsible international behaviour by China from the South China Sea to cybersecurity and human rights. Ardern’s commitments to international tolerance and cooperation have also made for a stronger response to the divisive turn in US foreign policy under Donald Trump. But there has also greater inconsistency in New Zealand's positioning since Ardern became Prime Minister in late 2017. Among the explanations for these trends is the Labour Party’s agreement to hand the foreign affairs and defence portfolios to the New Zealand First Party, which has amplified the contribution to New Zealand policy pronouncements by the Deputy Prime Minister Winston Peters.


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