scholarly journals Demand and supply of commercial firearms in the United States

2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jurgen Brauer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Demand And Supply ◽  
Total Unit ◽  
Foreign Brands ◽  
First Time ◽  
Total Stock ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Total Market

The article establishes methods by which to estimate demand and supply in the commercial firearms market in the United States. For the first time, this includes the number of used firearms resold via federally licensed retailers. For 2010, for example, total unit sales are estimated at 9.8 million pistols, revolvers, rifles, and shotguns, about 1.5 million of which were used weapons. The total number of military and nonmilitary firearms that entered commerce between 1986 and 2010 is estimated at about 150 million units. Allowing for pre-1986 production and imports, this lends credence to the notion that the total stock of firearms in the U.S. averages about one firearm per person. The article further shows rising firearms imports. In 2010, these amounted to about one-third of the total market. In addition to imports, foreign brands also produce at U.S. locations and, in 2010, captured well over 20 percent of the U.S. commercial pistol market.

Wartime Prosperity? A Reassessment of the U.S. Economy in the 1940s

1992 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Higgs
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Performance Measures ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
Macroeconomic Performance ◽  
Command Economy ◽  
First Time ◽  
The U.S

Relying on standard measures of macroeconomic performance, historians and economists believe that “war prosperity” prevailed in the United States during World War II. This belief is ill-founded, because it does not recognize that the United States had a command economy during the war. From 1942 to 1946 some macroeconomic performance measures are statistically inaccurate; others are conceptually inappropriate. A better grounded interpretation is that during the war the economy was a huge arsenal in which the well-being of consumers deteriorated. After the war genuine prosperity returned for the first time since 1929.

The Invisible Hand of Diplomacy

2021 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-376
Author(s):  
Elizabeth O’Brien Ingleson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Invisible Hand ◽  
Manufacturing Companies ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
First Time ◽  
Simple Narrative ◽  
The U.S

In December 1977, a tiny group of U.S. glove makers—most of whom were African American and Latina women—launched a petition before the U.S. International Trade Commission calling for protection from rising imports. Their target was China. Represented by the Work Glove Manufacturers Association, their petition called for quotas on a particular kind of glove entering the United States from China: cotton work gloves. This was a watershed moment. For the first time since the Communist Party came to power in 1949, U.S. workers singled out Chinese goods in pursuit of import relief. Because they were such a small group taking on a country as large as China, their supporters championed the cause as one of David versus Goliath. Yet the case has been forgotten, partly because the glove workers lost. Here I uncover their story, bringing the history of 1970s deindustrialization in the United States into conversation with U.S.-China rapprochement, one of the most significant political transformations of the Cold War. The case, and indeed the loss itself, reveals the tensions between the interests of U.S. workers, corporations, and diplomats. Yet the case does not provide a simple narrative of U.S. workers’ interests being suppressed by diplomats and policymakers nurturing globalized trade ties. Instead, it also underscored the conflicting interests within the U.S. labor movement at a time when manufacturing companies were moving their production jobs to East Asia.

The incidence and outcome of adolescent pregnancy in the United States

1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (S5) ◽  
pp. 85-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joy G. Dryfoos
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Adolescent Pregnancy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Female Adolescents ◽  
Sexually Active ◽  
The Common ◽  
Adolescent Pregnancies ◽  
First Time ◽  
The U.S

The publication in 1976 of a 64-page pamphlet with the unlikely title 11 Million Teenagers: What Can Be Done About the Epidemic of Adolescent Pregnancies in the U.S. (AGI, 1976) precipitated a dialogue quite new to the American public. For the first time, attention was centred on the fact that pregnancy among teenagers was almost as prevalent as the common cold and that those who were getting pregnant increasingly were younger, and more of them were white and middle class. The figure of one million pregnancies experienced by women aged 15–19 showed that one in ten female adolescents and one out of four sexually active teenagers are conceiving each year.

scholarly journals Pakistan-United States Relations in Trump Era and FATF

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-124
Author(s):  
Saadat Hassan ◽  
Shahid Hussain Bukhari
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Asian ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Task Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Pile Up ◽  
Financial Action Task ◽  
First Time ◽  
The U.S

The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has become a modern diplomatic instrument for the United States of America to use it the way it wants for. As the U.S. led Afghan peace process embraced the victory, Washington, Afghan Taliban and Kabul government have agreed upon limited ceasefire and withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan soil. Pakistani authorities are equally ready to cease the movement, amid the challenges posed by the FATF, by facilitating U.S.-Taliban peace deal in Qatar on Feb 29, 2020, the biggest development happened ever in South Asian region. It happened for the first time of grinding warfare since the U.S. invasion in 2001 which is considered to be a vital step to end the insurgency altogether in the region. Pentagon finally accepted Islamabad’s stance that there is no military solution to the Afghan imbroglio. Pakistani authorities, through Afghan authorities, are said to be taking over Pakistani Taliban purportedly operating from Afghanistan.  After playing a key role in brokering the said peace deal, the challenge of FATF as a diplomatic tool to pile up pressure on Islamabad to mold its role in favour of the US and the Taliban talks.

First Person: Everywhere, like Jerusalem, the ground is burning: On teaching in a time of conflict

2019 ◽  
Vol 101 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-67
Author(s):  
Danial Noah Moses
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Violent Conflict ◽  
First Person ◽  
Conflict Zones ◽  
First Time ◽  
The U.S

For nearly 20 years, Daniel Noah Moses has worked with educators to promote dialogue and understanding in some of the world’s most violent conflict zones, such as Israel/Palestine, Armenia, and Pakistan. Now, after moving back to the United States, he finds that tensions are soaring in the U.S. as well. For the first time, he writes, it strikes him that American educators can relate to the challenges facing teachers in global hotspots.

THE 2020 U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, TRUMPISM AND THE ROOTS OF NEGATIVE DISTRUST

2021 ◽  
pp. 67-79
Author(s):  
Erik Alfred Olsen ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The United States ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Negative Campaigning ◽  
Election Process ◽  
First Time ◽  
The U.S

This article explores the role of negative distrust as applied to the 2020 U.S. presidential election focusing specifically on the campaign and sup- porters of President Donald J. Trump. I survey negative campaigning rhetoric, the enlistment of far-right militant groups to his cause and the general political discourse of the Trump campaign and its allies and how these elements created a dangerous environment within the United States leading to the 6 January attack on the U.S. Capitol. Furthermore, I examine how the sowing of con - spiracy theories, fear and disinformation had led directly to a degradation of the presidential election process and for the first time in U.S. history, there was not a safe and smooth transfer of power from one presidential administration to another. Finally, I conclude how the active employment of negative distrust amongst the electorate contributes to political and national instability that threatens not merely constitutional crisis, but the invalidation of the electoral process in the United States in general.

Using ins Border Apprehension Data to Measure the Flow of Undocumented Migrants Crossing the U.S.-Mexico Frontier

1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 545-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Espenshade
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Linear Correlation ◽  
Illegal Immigration ◽  
The United States ◽  
Demographic Model ◽  
Undocumented Migrants ◽  
Illegal Migrant ◽  
First Time ◽  
Migrant Flow ◽  
The U.S

This article examines how data on INS border apprehensions are related to the flow of undocumented migrants crossing the southern U.S. border. Its centerpiece is a demographic model of the process of unauthorized migration across the Mexico-U.S. frontier. This model is both a conceptual framework that allows us to see theoretical linkages between apprehensions and illegal migrant flows, and a methodological device that yields estimates of the gross number of undocumented migrants. One implication of the model is that, for the first time, the relation between apprehensions and illegal flows can be examined empirically. We show that the ratio in each period between apprehensions and the undocumented flow is simply the odds of being located and arrested on any given attempt to enter the United States clandestinely. In addition, data for 1977–1988 suggest that the simple linear correlation between the number of apprehensions and the volume of illegal immigration is approximately 0.90 and that the size of the illegal migrant flow is roughly 2.2 times the number of Border Patrol arrests. The article concludes with a discussion of the conditions under which it is appropriate to use INS apprehensions data as an indicator for the flow of undocumented U.S. migrants.

Why Do German and U.S. Reactions to the Financial Crisis Differ?

2011 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 68-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen J. Silvia
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Policy ◽  
Financial Crisis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Euro Crisis ◽  
Jimmy Carter ◽  
The Many ◽  
First Time ◽  
The U.S

Among the many striking developments that arose out of the 2008-2009financial crisis and the subsequent EURO crisis has been the policy divergencebetween the United States and Germany. Typically, the two countrieshave broadly similar preferences regarding economic policy. To besure, this is not the first time that Germany and the U.S. have failed to seeeye to eye on economic matters,1 but the recent gap in perception andpolicy does warrant attention because it has been unusually large. Unlikethe famous quarrels between Jimmy Carter and Helmut Schmidt in the1970s,2 personality does not seem to play a role in this case. What thendoes explain the gulf?

scholarly journals History Lessons: The End of American Exceptionalism? Mobility in the United States Since 1850

2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph P Ferrie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Longitudinal Data ◽  
Occupational Mobility ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
The United States ◽  
Geographic Mobility ◽  
First Time ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Cross National

New longitudinal data on individuals linked across nineteenth century U.S. censuses document the geographic and occupational mobility of more than 75,000 Americans from the 1850s to the 1920s. Together with longitudinal data for more recent years, these data make possible for the first time systematic comparisons of mobility over the last 150 years of American economic development, as well as cross-national comparisons for the nineteenth century. The U.S. was a substantially more mobile economy than Britain between 1850 and 1880. But both intergenerational occupational mobility and geographic mobility have declined in the U.S. since the beginning of the twentieth century, leaving much less apparent two aspects of the “American Exceptionalism” noted by nineteenth century observers.

An American Language

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish Language ◽  
Spanish Speakers ◽  
Language Recognition ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
History Of ◽  
The U.S

An American Language is a political history of the Spanish language in the United States. The nation has always been multilingual and the Spanish language in particular has remained as an important political issue into the present. After the U.S.-Mexican War, the Spanish language became a language of politics as Spanish speakers in the U.S. Southwest used it to build territorial and state governments. In the twentieth century, Spanish became a political language where speakers and those opposed to its use clashed over what Spanish's presence in the United States meant. This book recovers this story by using evidence that includes Spanish language newspapers, letters, state and territorial session laws, and federal archives to profile the struggle and resilience of Spanish speakers who advocated for their language rights as U.S. citizens. Comparing Spanish as a language of politics and as a political language across the Southwest and noncontiguous territories provides an opportunity to measure shifts in allegiance to the nation and exposes differing forms of nationalism. Language concessions and continued use of Spanish is a measure of power. Official language recognition by federal or state officials validates Spanish speakers' claims to US citizenship. The long history of policies relating to language in the United States provides a way to measure how U.S. visions of itself have shifted due to continuous migration from Latin America. Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are crucial arbiters of Spanish language politics and their successes have broader implications on national policy and our understanding of Americans.

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