The incidence and outcome of adolescent pregnancy in the United States

1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (S5) ◽  
pp. 85-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joy G. Dryfoos

The publication in 1976 of a 64-page pamphlet with the unlikely title 11 Million Teenagers: What Can Be Done About the Epidemic of Adolescent Pregnancies in the U.S. (AGI, 1976) precipitated a dialogue quite new to the American public. For the first time, attention was centred on the fact that pregnancy among teenagers was almost as prevalent as the common cold and that those who were getting pregnant increasingly were younger, and more of them were white and middle class. The figure of one million pregnancies experienced by women aged 15–19 showed that one in ten female adolescents and one out of four sexually active teenagers are conceiving each year.

1979 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 123-126
Author(s):  
Elizabeth R. McAnarney ◽  
Donald E. Greydanus

Adolescent pregnancy is a major child health problem in the United States. Nearly one million adolescents became pregnant in 1977. Adolescent pregnancies result from earlier biologic maturity and sexual activity. The average age of menarche in the United States is approximately 12.6 years and has declined four months during each decade in the last century. Boys also mature earlier than their peers of previous generations. As a result of better nutrition, the minimum age of biologic maturity has probably been attained. More young people are sexually active now than they were 25 years ago. In the late 1940s, 20% of unmarried women between 16 and 20 years of age reported having had intercourse. In 1971, 46% of unmarried women aged 19 years reported having had intercourse at least once and in 1976, 55%.1 In 1975, 69% of a sample of adolescent males were sexually experienced with black and Hispanic youth having had their first coital experience at the earliest ages.2 Of the approximately one million adolescents who became pregnant, 570,622 delivered children and approximately 370,000 had abortions. Birth rates to adolescents decreased between 1965 and 1975 for all ages, except for blacks and whites under 15 years and whites 15 to 17 years of age.


1992 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Higgs

Relying on standard measures of macroeconomic performance, historians and economists believe that “war prosperity” prevailed in the United States during World War II. This belief is ill-founded, because it does not recognize that the United States had a command economy during the war. From 1942 to 1946 some macroeconomic performance measures are statistically inaccurate; others are conceptually inappropriate. A better grounded interpretation is that during the war the economy was a huge arsenal in which the well-being of consumers deteriorated. After the war genuine prosperity returned for the first time since 1929.


2021 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-376
Author(s):  
Elizabeth O’Brien Ingleson

In December 1977, a tiny group of U.S. glove makers—most of whom were African American and Latina women—launched a petition before the U.S. International Trade Commission calling for protection from rising imports. Their target was China. Represented by the Work Glove Manufacturers Association, their petition called for quotas on a particular kind of glove entering the United States from China: cotton work gloves. This was a watershed moment. For the first time since the Communist Party came to power in 1949, U.S. workers singled out Chinese goods in pursuit of import relief. Because they were such a small group taking on a country as large as China, their supporters championed the cause as one of David versus Goliath. Yet the case has been forgotten, partly because the glove workers lost. Here I uncover their story, bringing the history of 1970s deindustrialization in the United States into conversation with U.S.-China rapprochement, one of the most significant political transformations of the Cold War. The case, and indeed the loss itself, reveals the tensions between the interests of U.S. workers, corporations, and diplomats. Yet the case does not provide a simple narrative of U.S. workers’ interests being suppressed by diplomats and policymakers nurturing globalized trade ties. Instead, it also underscored the conflicting interests within the U.S. labor movement at a time when manufacturing companies were moving their production jobs to East Asia.


Author(s):  
John N. Drobak

Rethinking Market Regulation: Helping Labor by Overcoming Economic Myths tackles the plight of workers who lose their jobs from mergers and outsourcing by examining two economic “principles,” or narratives that have shaped the perception of the economic system in the United States today: (1) the notion that the U.S. economy is competitive, making government market regulation unnecessary, and (2) the claim that corporations exist for the benefit of their shareholders but not for other stakeholders. Contrary to popular belief, this book demonstrates that many markets are not competitive but rather are oligopolistic. This conclusion undercuts the common refrain that government market regulation is unnecessary because competition already provides sufficient constraints on business. Part of the lack of competition has resulted from the large mergers over the past few years, many of which have resulted in massive layoffs. The second narrative has justified the outsourcing of millions of jobs of U.S. workers this century, made possible by globalization. The book argues that this narrative is not an economic principle but rather a normative position. In effect, both narratives are myths, although they are accepted as truisms by many people. The book ties together a concern for the problems of using economic principles as a justification for the lack of government intervention with the harm that has been caused to workers. The book’s recommendations for a new regulatory regime are a prescription for helping labor by limiting job losses from mergers and outsourcing.


2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 443-450
Author(s):  
Howard Gillman

Less than two years after Justice Harlan Fiske Stone reportedly advised Franklin Roosevelt's secretary of labor that “You can do anything under the taxing power,” the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in U.S. v. Butler that Congress had no authority to create a system whereby farmers would receive subsidies for limiting production, with the funds coming from a tax on basic commodities. While Stone, along with Brandeis and Cardozo, voted to uphold this feature of the Agricultural Adjustment Act, a majority led by Justice Owen J. Roberts declared that this particular scheme of taxing and spending interfered with the reserve powers of the states to control local manufacturing and agriculture. Roberts cited the great nationalist Joseph Story for the proposition that “the Constitution was, from its very origin, contemplated to be a frame of a national government, of special and enumerated powers, and not of general and unlimited powers.… A power to lay taxes for the common defence and general welfare of the United States is not in common sense a general power. It is limited to those objects. It cannot constitutionally transcend them.” The AAA was “a scheme for purchasing with federal funds submission to federal regulation of a subject reserved to the states. … If the Act before us is a proper exercise of the federal taxing power, evidently the regulation of all industry throughout the United States may be accomplished by similar exercise of the same power.”


2009 ◽  
pp. 167-180
Author(s):  
Aihwa Ong

- The outsourcing of work is today, for the American middle class, cause of a real obsession. The middle-class, for the first time, fears, from a point of view of working, of being left to drift. The author of this essay tells the complex, and far from obvious, dynamics of purchase of labor between the United States of America and the great new emerging powers (India and China, first of all) in the knowledge economy.


Author(s):  
ARTURO MADRID

Making English the official language of the United States is a false policy issue. The evidence does not support arguments that the use of English is declining or that the use of other languages debilitates the social fabric of the United States. On the contrary, attempts to impose English on the U.S. population have served historically to divide the nation. The facts do not support linguistic or social fragmentation. English is the language of state and the common language of the U.S. population. Immigrants continue to enter the United States because of the protections and opportunities it offers, and they give highest priority to learning English. The real language-policy issues have to do with literacy and high-level multilingual skills. A sane national language policy would give primacy to literacy and would promote multilingualism. The nation's energies must be directed at language policies that empower all citizens rather than punish some.


1988 ◽  
Vol 113 (5) ◽  
pp. 930-936 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. DuRant ◽  
Joe M. Sanders ◽  
Susan Jay ◽  
Richard Levinson

2009 ◽  
Vol 103 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erika de Wet

On February 4,2008, shortly before Kosovo's controversial unilateral secession from Serbia on February 17 of that year, the Council of the European Union (EU) adopted a Joint Action creating the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo/EULEX (hereinafter EULEX), the largest and most important mission thus far undertaken within the common European foreign and defense policy. Although EULEX is first and foremost a European undertaking, it is also strongly backed by the United States, which agreed to shoulder 25 percent of the operating costs while the remaining costs would be shared by European and other states. In October 2008, the U.S. Department of State further agreed to provide EULEX with eighty police officers and up to eight judges and prosecutors.


Author(s):  
Jurgen Brauer

The article establishes methods by which to estimate demand and supply in the commercial firearms market in the United States. For the first time, this includes the number of used firearms resold via federally licensed retailers. For 2010, for example, total unit sales are estimated at 9.8 million pistols, revolvers, rifles, and shotguns, about 1.5 million of which were used weapons. The total number of military and nonmilitary firearms that entered commerce between 1986 and 2010 is estimated at about 150 million units. Allowing for pre-1986 production and imports, this lends credence to the notion that the total stock of firearms in the U.S. averages about one firearm per person. The article further shows rising firearms imports. In 2010, these amounted to about one-third of the total market. In addition to imports, foreign brands also produce at U.S. locations and, in 2010, captured well over 20 percent of the U.S. commercial pistol market.


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