scholarly journals Who is a Lithuanian? In Search of Władysław Mickiewicz’s Motherland

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 14-31
Author(s):  
Eduardas Budrys

Władysław Mickiewicz (1838–1926) was one of most active members of the Polish-Lithuanian diaspora: biographer, journalist, librarian, translator, political, social activist, and prolific publicist. Despite all this, he was mainly known as a son and a follower of his father, the great poet Adam Mickiewicz. The lives of these two men intertwined in many ways: both of their youth years were marked by great rebellions, and both had missed them, both having spent most of their adult lives in Paris, writing and dreaming about their motherland. However, while for Adam the motherland was the land of his childhood and youth, for Władysław, it was not that easy to define. For him, Lithuania, Poland, and his great Father had formed a certain ideal – an ideal to live for. Władysław Mickiewicz was a servant of this ideal all his life, constantly pre-serving, popularizing, and sometimes interpreting it – the legacy of his father. These ideals of an eternal Union between Poland and Lithuania, of an archaic Lithuanian Arcadia somewhere in a secluded part of the world, looked so natural in the Romantic days of the poet. It had grown less and less clear at the second part of the 19th century, and especially during the turbulent years of the First World War and the beginning of the interbellum, which brought such a sharp division between Polish and Lithuanian identities, making old ideals appear strange and antiquated. Yet despite this, Władysław Mickiewicz never renounced them. This article explores his life, writings, and the interpretations of the works of his father with the hope of finding his true motherland.

Author(s):  
Alīda Zigmunde ◽  
Oļegs Šapovalovs

The article gives an overview of the activities of rubber, gutta-percha and telegraph factory «Prowodnik» in Riga, founded in 1888. Before the First World War, the factory was one of the four largest rubber factories in the world. During the First World War, in 1915, the factory was evacuated to Moscow, in 1918, it was expropriated.  In 1921, the shareholders decided to re-establish «Prowodnik» in its old premises in Riga, but the economic situation had changed. For some years it operated as a woodworking factory (1925–1935), but it never reached the boom it had experienced at the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century. At the end of the 1930s the factory was liquidated. The alumni of the Riga Polytechnicum (RP) and Riga Polytechnic Institute (RPI) who had given significant input in its achievements have been identified by the authors of this article.


Author(s):  
Michele Nicoletti

Carl Schmitt’s thought on international relations appears from the outset to be profoundly informed by his reflections on the philosophy of history. In this the German jurist seems to be fully consonant with the climate of his time, of that generation which saw the 19th century ‘concert of Europe’ crumble beneath their feet into the great tragedy of European civil war which began with the First World War. The collapse of the world order thus almost inevitably leads him to question the meaning of history and to be influenced by the ideas of the end of the world and of history, and by the symbols and metaphors connected to this theme, which have been part of Western culture for centuries.


Tempo ◽  
1985 ◽  
pp. 2-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Oliver

In an age when music has become increasingly mechanistic and more concerned with sound than content; when the language of music has become a veritable tower of Babel addressing itself to minorities of minorities; when dense ingenuity, often accompanied by pages of notes explaining what it is doing, is hardly even penetrable by the eye let alone the ear, and memorability is often more minimal than the minimalists, Hans Gál is bound to be a lone voice. He is, after all, 95 years old and learnt his craft from distinguished masters of the 19th century, imbibing the classical tradition in a world which could still lay some claim to civilization: that is before the First World War set in train increasingly rapid developments in technology and a steady decline in standards. If the artist's task is to reflect the world around him, then he has done this admirably. If he aims to expose society's weaknesses, it would seem that the forces of evil are winning. If he aims to console and heal—creating images of reconciliation in a barren world, as Tippett so tellingly puts it—then Hans Gál has certainly played his part in this reconciliation and it is our loss that his music is so little known in this country. Surprising, too, for he has been with us for nearly 45 years, composing, conducting, teaching, lecturing, and playing, but having no gimmicks to offer, no ad-man to promote him; and thus, being an essentially private man, never seeking to impose himself—‘the most unpushy composer I have ever met’ as one German radio producer puts it—comparatively few have had a chance to discover his worth.


Author(s):  
James Muldoon

The German council movements arose through mass strikes and soldier mutinies towards the end of the First World War. They brought down the German monarchy, founded several short-lived council republics, and dramatically transformed European politics. This book reconstructs how participants in the German council movements struggled for a democratic socialist society. It examines their attempts to democratize politics, the economy, and society through building powerful worker-led organizations and cultivating workers’ political agency. Drawing from the practices of the council movements and the writings of theorists such as Rosa Luxemburg, Anton Pannekoek, and Karl Kautsky, this book returns to their radical vision of a self-determining society and their political programme of democratization and socialization. It presents a powerful argument for renewed attention to the political theories of this historical period and for their ongoing relevance today.


Author(s):  
Gregory A. Barton

After the death of Gabrielle Howard from cancer, Albert married her sister Louise. Louise had been pressured to leave Cambridge as a classics lecturer as a result of her pro-peace writings during the First World War. After working for Virginia Wolf, she then worked for the League of Nations in Geneva. Louise was herself an expert on labor and agriculture, and helped Albert write for a popular audience. Albert Howard toured plantations around the world advocating the Indore Method. After the publication of the Agricultural Testament (1943), Albert Howard focused on popularizing his work among gardeners and increasingly connected his composting methods to issues of human health.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanne Klengel

The radical aesthetic of the historical avant-garde movements has often been explained as a reaction to the catastrophic experience of the First World War and a denouncement of the bourgeoisie’s responsibility for its horrors. This article explores a blind spot in these familiar interpretations of the international avant-garde. Not only the violence of the World War but also the experience of a worldwide deadly pandemic, the Spanish flu, have moulded the literary and artistic production of the 1920s. In this paper, I explore this hypothesis through the example of Mário de Andrade’s famous book of poetry Pauliceia desvairada (1922), which I reinterpret in the light of historical studies on the Spanish flu in São Paulo. An in-depth examination of all parts of this important early opus of the Brazilian Modernism shows that Mário de Andrade’s poetic images of urban coexistence simultaneously aim at a radical renewal of language and at a melancholic coming to terms with a traumatic pandemic past.


2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 12-20
Author(s):  
Petr Kužel

Football, the most popular game all over the world, reached the territory of todayʼs Czech Republic in the last decades of the 19th century. In Prague districts and suburbs especially, many Czech and German sport associations started to engage in this sport activity originally born in Britain. The sudden and long-lasting interruption of a positive development due to the mobilization in summer 1914 along with significant political and social changes following the end of First World War, isolated pre-war events and made of them the unique relict environment which forms the main topic of this paper. Leaving sports results aside, the study describes the period after 1900 in which football clubs were established, the enthusiastic amateur transformed into a professional player, loyalty to different teams stemmed on the basis of nationality and social status and football moved from the suburbs’ playgrounds to newly-built, larger and better-quality arenas.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 463-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon Fraser

On November 16, 1918, a little more than two weeks after an armistice officially ended World War I, an editorial in the Idaho Statesman offered advice about the future of the world economy. Lifting the title of its editorial directly from Benjamin Disraeli's Sybil, or The Two Nations, the Statesman argued only the political philosophy espoused by that novel and its author could show the world a way forward. Quoting from the novel's final paragraph, the newspaper declares: “‘To be indifferent and to be young can no longer be synonymous.’ Those words were true when Disraeli penned them just 73 years ago, but they apply with striking force to the problems of today and to the problems which will be certain to develop in the years just ahead” (“Trustees of Posterity” 4). The newspaper wasn't only advocating political involvement by the nation's youth, nor was Disraeli. Sybil proposes a particular kind of economic and political order, a union between a “just” aristocracy, led by the young and ambitious, and the laboring classes. It proposes that great statesmen take up the mantle of responsibility just as Thomas Carlyle, in Disraeli's day, advocated great captains of industry take up that mantle (Houghton 328). The newspaper's argument implies this seventy-year-old British novel will be critical to America's political future. But this vision of responsibility belongs in the nineteenth century – it is rooted in the conflict between republicanism and aristocratic oligarchy – and the timing of the Statesman article at first seems wildly inappropriate. As the First World War ended, the Statesman expected the world would face the kind of threats Americans had perceived before the war. The editorial warns that “mobocracy” still “holds nearly half of the area of Europe and much of northern Asia in its bloody and irresponsible grip.” If there is any doubt about who is behind this “mobocracy,” the newspaper clears that matter up, answering: “Bolshevists, Socialists and all of the disciples of unrest who may be roughly grouped as ‘The Reds’” (“Trustees of Posterity” 4). And when the Statesmen warns about “Reds,” it can easily expect its readers to remember that, only seventeen years earlier, President McKinley had been shot by just such a “Red”: Leon Czolgosz, an alleged anarchist and the child of Polish immigrants.


Author(s):  
George Gotsiridze

The work discusses the legacy of the First World War - its positive and negative sides - which played an important role in the formation of the world processes in the post-war period and still preserves its viability.The actuality of the problem is backed by the fact that the relationship of the Trans-caucasian countries with the outer world is still problematic nowadays. We witness how the world’s political and economic map is changing and technical-scientific progress is tangible. In the conditions of the accelerated global processes, a general political, economic and cultural area is being formed, and a new world order is being formed with its difficulties, social catastrophes or cataclysms, conflicts, divergence and integration. At this time, it is of utmost importance to analyze historical problems from the past and seek ways to resolve them in the political relations of the South Caucasus, as in their attitude towards the outside world, understanding that unity is a necessary guarantee of strengthening the statehood of each country and that the perception of the Transcaucasia by the rest of the world as a unified political and economic sphere will simplify the Euro - Atlantic integration. The issue is discussed from the new humanitarian perspectives, which gives us the opportunity to determine the national verticals from experience received centuries ago, around which local or regional political consciousness should be unified in order to satisfy the national interests of each country in the Transcaucasia through closer cooperation.


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