scholarly journals Кукавское восстание, август 1918 года: украинские гетманские власти, антигетманская оппозиция, австро-венгерские войска

2021 ◽  
pp. 123-130
Author(s):  
Борис Малиновский

The study of the official documentation of the Ukrainian State authorities (the Ukrainian state headed by Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskiy) and the Austro-Hungarian troops command of stationed in Ukraine makes it possible to determine the goals, nature and staff of the participants in the uprising in Kukavka (Podolia) in August 1918 and to reconstruct the sequence of events connected with this uprising. The uprising was organized by former executives of the Ukrainian People's Republic. It was conceived as part of a public uprising. Its programme provided for liquidation of the hetman state, restoration of the Ukrainian People's Republic, expulsion of the German and Austro-Hungarian troops supporting the hetman, destruction of large landholdings in Ukraine and distribution of landowners’ land among the peasants. Probably, following the example of the participants in the anti-government movement in Ukraine in 1768 (Koliivshchyna), the rebels of Kukavka intended to exterminate those who were considered as the oppressors of the Ukrainian people, especially the of estate owners. The uprising was preceded by thorough preparation. The members were well armed and had a considered plan of action. The battle groups formed in the villages consisted mainly of former military men of the Russian tsarist army, the veterans of World War I. On August 14, in Kukavka, the part of the combat groups united into a large detachment. In the following days, the detachment raided the territory of Mogilev, Yampolsky and Bratslav districts, absorbing the rest of the battle groups and trying to raise wide circles of population to fight. The plan of involving of a large number of peasants into the uprising failed. The movement did not become widespread. The total number of the participants, did not exceed three thousand people. By the end of August, the rebel army had been eliminated after a series of clashes with Austro-Hungarian military units.


2021 ◽  
pp. 307-322
Author(s):  
Yu. A. Zherdeva ◽  
E. I. Sumburova ◽  
M. V. Cherkasova

The problem of perception of Russian politics in Galicia during the First World War by participants in military operations is considered. The relevance of the study is due to the interest of modern society in historical sources of personal origin. The novelty is determined by a wide corpus of diaries and memoirs of participants in hostilities, un-published archival ego-documents introduced into scientific circulation. Based on new sources, the actions of the Russian authorities and the army in Galicia in 1914—1916 are interpreted. Plots are revealed that are not recorded by officials in official documents. Unjustified decisions of the local administration, bureaucratic confusion and arbitrariness are analyzed. The degree of influence of official Russian propaganda on the position of combatants and Galicians is determined in the study. Different points of view among Russian society on the organization of governance in Galicia and the national and confessional policy pursued there are revealed. The diaries and memoirs of the combatants made it possible to look at the events that took place in Galicia from the perspective of an eyewitness, shedding light on the features of everyday life, both of the local civilian population, and of military units, and of the medical service who found themselves in the conquered territories.



Author(s):  
Yaroslav Tsetsyk ◽  

The aim of the article is clarification of the role of local self-government bodies of Volyn in providing the population of the region with basic necessities and fuel during the World War I. The author analyzes a set of measures taken by Zemstvos and municipal authorities to address vital issues. Methodology of the research is based on the use of general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, and generalization), statistical method, special historical (chronological and historical and systemic) in combination with the principles of historicism, objectivity, and multifactorial. The scientific novelty of the work is that the author finds out the different directions of activity of the local authorities of Volyn to provide the population of the region with food, fuel, and basic necessities during the World War І. Particular attention is paid to highlighting their role in rebuilding the infrastructure of the frontline settlements of the region liberated in 1916. Conclusions. During the World War I the city self-government bodies and Zemstva solved many tasks not inherent in them. The front-line and later front-line status of the Volyn province forced them to become actively involved in providing food to the townspeople to oppose the export of food from the front-line counties in order to purchase and deliver fuel to the cities, and to provide assistance to evacuees and refugees. In the settlements liberated in 1916 from the Austro-Hungarian and German troops they faced with a difficult epidemiological situation, lack of funds to address important issues. The fact that a huge number of military units were stationed in the region the implementation of the tasks became much more difficult. The most local authorities could count on from the imperial authorities was to obtain loans to support the livelihoods of the region’s cities. The above circumstances together have led to a deterioration in the living standards of the population, especially the poor. Despite the active work of local governments at the end of 1916 in Volhyn, the socio-economic situation deteriorated sharply. In 1916, the frontline settlements of the region.



2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
William G. Ross


2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Thomas
Keyword(s):  


2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.





2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Tumblin

This article examines the way a group of colonies on the far reaches of British power – Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and India, dealt with the imperatives of their own security in the early twentieth century. Each of these evolved into Dominion status and then to sovereign statehood (India lastly and most thoroughly) over the first half of the twentieth century, and their sovereignties evolved amidst a number of related and often countervailing problems of self-defence and cooperative security strategy within the British Empire. The article examines how security – the abstracted political goods of military force – worked alongside race in the greater Pacific to build colonial sovereignties before the First World War. Its first section examines the internal-domestic dimension of sovereignty and its need to secure territory through the issue of imperial naval subsidies. A number of colonies paid subsidies to Britain to support the Royal Navy and thus to contribute in financial terms to their strategic defense. These subsidies provoked increasing opposition after the turn of the twentieth century, and the article exlpores why colonial actors of various types thought financial subsidies threatened their sovereignties in important ways. The second section of the article examines the external-diplomatic dimension of sovereignty by looking at the way colonial actors responded to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. I argue that colonial actors deployed security as a logic that allowed them to pursue their own bids for sovereignty and autonomy, leverage racial discourses that shaped state-building projects, and ultimately to attempt to nudge the focus of the British Empire's grand strategy away from Europe and into Asia.



Author(s):  
Anthony Gorman

This chapter traces the development of the radical secular press in Egypt from its first brief emergence in the 1870s until the outbreak of World War I. First active in the 1860s, the anarchist movement gradually expanded its membership and influence over subsequent decades to articulate a general social emancipation and syndicalism for all workers in the country. In the decade and a half before 1914, its press collectively propagated a critique of state power and capitalism, called for social justice and the organisation of labour, and promoted the values of science and public education in both a local context and as part of an international movement. In seeking to promote a programme at odds with both nationalism and colonial rule, it incurred the hostility of the authorities in addition to facing the practical problems of managing and financing an oppositional newspaper.



Author(s):  
Odile Moreau

This chapter explores movement and circulation across the Mediterranean and seeks to contribute to a history of proto-nationalism in the Maghrib and the Middle East at a particular moment prior to World War I. The discussion is particularly concerned with the interface of two Mediterranean spaces: the Middle East (Egypt, Ottoman Empire) and North Africa (Morocco), where the latter is viewed as a case study where resistance movements sought external allies as a way of compensating for their internal weakness. Applying methods developed by Subaltern Studies, and linking macro-historical approaches, namely of a translocal movement in the Muslim Mediterranean, it explores how the Egypt-based society, al-Ittihad al-Maghribi, through its agent, Aref Taher, used the press as an instrument for political propaganda, promoting its Pan-Islamic programme and its goal of uniting North Africa.





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