Economic analysis of the bureaucracy and the political market

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 40-48
Author(s):  
Brahim Idelhakkar ◽  
◽  
Faris Hamza
Keyword(s):  
Economic Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Market

scholarly journals Sovereignty and the Politics of Property

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eyal Benvenisti
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Interests ◽  
Economic Market ◽  
Political Market ◽  
Political Markets ◽  
High Politics ◽  
Visibility Politics

AbstractThe debate whether property is a limit on or the product of sovereignty envisages a tension between “the individual owner” and “the state.” But “the state” is not more than the aggregate of individuals who define theirs and others’ property rights through the state’s political process. The underlying tension between property and sovereignty is thus the tension between the economic market and the political market. Owners and others compete simultaneously at both levels to define, protect or improve the value of property. There are two ways to compete in the political marketplace: by engaging in either “high visibility politics” or “low visibility politics.” Diffuse owners rely on high visibility politics promoted by agents such as political parties or trade unions and on elections, referenda and the like, whereas smaller groups of owners prefer the low politics of capturing lawmakers and state executives.When economic markets became global at the end of the Cold War, so did the political markets: property rights increasingly became defined by international agreements, by decisions of international organizations, and by the exercise of “low politics” in foreign, weaker states. The global political markets were dominated by the executive branches of a handful of relatively strong states that, in turn, were responsive to the “low politics” of special interests. The high transaction costs of cooperation among diffuse owners inhibited the parallel rise of “high politics” at the global level. The skewed global political market for property continues to favor special interests, but there are budding attempts to reclaim the space for “high politics” by national regulators and courts. Current negotiations over the so-called “Mega Regional” agreements between the United States and its trading partners will, if successful, nip these buds as they render certain property rights almost immune to the subsequent challenges of high politics.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 3-10
Author(s):  
Vito Tanzi
Keyword(s):  
Market Economy ◽  
Free Market ◽  
The Political ◽  
Individual Liberty ◽  
Political Market ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Government ◽  
Role Of The Government ◽  
Normative Role

This more theoretical chapter focuses on the normative role of the government, in democratic countries with a market economy, and how that role has been tied to the prevalent view of the assumed relationship between individual citizens and their government. That view has been different in different countries. The chapter stresses the difference between choices made in and by the free market and those made through the political market. In the former, income distribution and individual liberty are important. In the political market, with one person one vote, the income of the voters should be less important. However, it often is important. Some societies place a lot of importance on individual liberty. Others give more weight to community goals. These attitudes influence government policies.

China's Practice of Implementing a 3G Mobile Telecommunications Standard

2009 ◽  
pp. 140-151
Author(s):  
Mingzhi Li ◽  
Kai Reimers
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Supply Side ◽  
Demand Side ◽  
Economic Aspects ◽  
Mobile Telecommunications ◽  
Economic Market ◽  
Political Market ◽  
Standardization Process ◽  
The Government ◽  
Telecommunications Market

This chapter analyses and evaluates the Chinese government’s 3G policy of supporting the creation and implementation of the country’s indigenous TD-SCDMA standard. On the supply side, the addition of a new standard has enriched choices available on the 3G mobile telecommunications market; however, on the demand side, the government had to force operators to adopt this standard due to their lack of interest in the new standard. Building on insights gained from North’s theory on the transaction costs of politics, the authors explain this standardization process as a result of interaction between the political market and the economic market which has ultimately been driven by ideology shifts that took place on multiple levels of China’s society in recent years. They contribute to the standardization literature by demonstrating how North’s theory can be used for integrating political and economic aspects in the analysis of standardization processes.

The Political Market

2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay R. Mandle
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Market

scholarly journals The Political Market and Sustainability Policy

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 3344
Author(s):  
Richard C. Feiock ◽  
Soyoung Kim
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Market Model ◽  
The Political ◽  
Exchange Relationships ◽  
Political Market ◽  
Local Sustainability ◽  
Market Framework ◽  
Sustainability Policy ◽  
Moderating Role

This essay introduces the political market framework (PMF) and discusses its implications for understanding local sustainability policy. The PMF conceptualizes public policy related to sustainability as the product of exchange between governmental policy suppliers and voter and interest group policy demanders. After presenting a political market model, the role of political institutions is introduced. Institutions structure exchange relationships by determining transaction costs of searching for mutually beneficial agreements, bargaining over outcomes, and monitoring and enforcing decisions. The central implication for research is the need to account for the moderating role that political institutions play in sustainability policy decisions. A research agenda based on the PMF is advanced. The conclusion addresses the limitations of the framework as well as its implications for policy adoptions, program designs, and individual behavior.

Aristotle and the political economy of the polis

1979 ◽  
Vol 99 ◽  
pp. 57-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Meikle
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Economic Analysis ◽  
Market Economy ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Process Of Change ◽  
Historical Process ◽  
Substantial Body ◽  
Moral Condemnation

Athens in the fourth century was undergoing a process of social and economic change of which a major component was the development of elements of market economy. The question to be addressed here is: what response does that historical process meet with in the work of Aristotle? I shall contend that Aristotle has a substantial body of thought, analytical in nature and intent, which is directed specifically to the analysis of that process. M. I. Finley has drawn quite the contrary conclusion, and in addition to developing my own account of Aristotle's thought 1 shall have to examine the shortcomings of Finley's. Finley takes the view that although Aristotle was aware of the process of change he simply ignored it, and that there is no trace of any analytical concern with it to be found in those sections of the Aristotelian corpus which it has been usual to regard as containing Aristotle's ‘economic’ thought, namely, NE v 5, and Pol i 8–10. Finley sees in Aristotle nothing more than moral condemnation of certain practices such as kapelike which he regarded as damaging to the koinonia of the polis.It sometimes happens that what one finds in an author depends on one's possession or lack of the equipment necessary to recognise what is there and to identify it for what it is. Finley is looking at Aristotle in order to determine the presence or absence of what he terms ‘economic analysis’.

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