scholarly journals NOTES ON EDUCATION FOR LIBERATION PEDAGOGY IN THE PAN-AFRICAN / BLACK INTELLECTUAL TRADITION

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
JOYCE KING
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Black People ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Educational Process ◽  
Intellectual Tradition ◽  
Pan African ◽  
Black Intellectual ◽  
Liberation Pedagogy ◽  
African Black

ABSTRACT: The article analyzes the North American context and strategies of the past and present Black American liberation. The author argues that despite the terror experienced by Black Americans during the process of slavery, in the struggle for civil rights, and in overcoming institutionalized racism, in their daily lives they experienced forms of psychic resilience nourished by the spirituality of the Black people, their thought informed by the Spirit. The collective courage of Black Americans and liberation pedagogy in the freedom struggle emerged out ofthis spiritually informed thought. All of this can be understood as an essentially liberating educational process. The Pan-African/Black intellectual tradition, understood as education for the pedagogy of liberation, offers a theoretical lens for the analysis and interpretation of this movement and struggle for freedom. This interpretive lens is absent from the curriculum and the professional preparation of educators and researchers in the United States. The author discussed the activism of Pan-African intellectual and Guyanese historian Walter Rodney (1942-1980) to synthesize this theoretical lens.

scholarly journals Achieving Health Equity by Addressing Legacies of Racial Violence in Public Health Practice

2021 ◽  
Vol 694 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-66
Author(s):  
Darrell Hudson
Keyword(s):  
Critical Race Theory ◽  
Health Equity ◽  
Black People ◽  
Public Health Practice ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Health Inequities ◽  
The United States ◽  
Optimal Level ◽  
Critical Race ◽  
Historical Factors

Health equity means that everyone, regardless of their abilities, economic status, or race/ethnicity, has the opportunity to reach their optimal level of health. However, the inequitable distribution of resources, power, and privilege in the United States means that historically marginalized communities bear a disproportionate burden of poor health and disease. The COVID-19 pandemic has compounded the problem for Black Americans: already bearing an unequal burden of social, economic, and health inequities and experiencing systemic racism in various sectors of American life, Black Americans have been at even greater risk of COVID-19 transmission and severity of the disease. I use critical race theory (CRT) to show how key social and historical factors fuel racial health inequities. Further, I use key tenets of CRT to argue that redressing historical legacies of racism cannot be done without using a critical, race conscious lens and lifting up the voices of Black people.

The Optics of Liberian Emigration

2020 ◽  
pp. 145-167
Author(s):  
Aston Gonzalez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Black People ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Colonization Society ◽  
Fugitive Slave

This chapter explores the life and work of Augustus Washington, the free African American photographer, who envisioned more rights and freedoms than those available in the United States. Anticipating a future in the United States bound by racial restraints, he packed up his successful photography studio in Hartford, Connecticut, and emigrated to Monrovia, Liberia. Washington worked closely with the American Colonization Society to convince black Americans to leave their homeland for Liberia and attempted to provoke viewers of his images to envision the potential of black rights in the United States that he enjoyed in Liberia. Washington’s images promulgating black Liberian political leadership and economic promise abroad offered a vision of freedom that belied a hierarchical, and often oppressive, Liberian society. In the wake of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, his images brought into focus the debates among African Americans about the uncertain, and perhaps imperiled, future of black people in the United States.

Latino/a and African American Relations

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian D. Behnken
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Black People ◽  
The United States ◽  
Civil Rights Era ◽  
Black And White

African Americans and Latino/as have had a long history of social interactions that have been strongly affected by the broader sense of race in the United States. Race in the United States has typically been constructed as a binary of black and white. Latino/as do not fit neatly into this binary. Some Latino/as have argued for a white racial identity, which has at times frustrated their relationships with black people. For African Americans and Latino/as, segregation often presented barriers to good working relationships. The two groups were often segregated from each other, making them mutually invisible. This invisibility did not make for good relations. Latino/as and blacks found new avenues for improving their relationships during the civil rights era, from the 1940s to the 1970s. A number of civil rights protests generated coalitions that brought the two communities together in concerted campaigns. This was especially the case for militant groups such as the Black Panther Party, the Mexican American Brown Berets, and the Puerto Rican Young Lords, as well as in the Poor People’s Campaign. Interactions among African Americans and Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Cuban/Cuban American illustrate the deep and often convoluted sense of race consciousness in American history, especially during the time of the civil rights movement.

It's Still Slavery by Another Name

2020 ◽  
pp. 40-50
Author(s):  
Michael D. Yates
Keyword(s):  
Black Men ◽  
Social Distance ◽  
Black People ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The United States ◽  
White People ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Black And White

As the long history, right to the present day, of police and vigilante violence against black people has shown with great clarity, the racial chasm between black and white people in the United States lives on. A few black men and women have climbed into the 1 percent, and a sizable African-American middle class now exists. But by every measure of social well-being, black Americans fare much worse than their white counterparts. Just as for the economic, political, and social distance between capitalists and workers, so too is there a differential between black and white people, for these same interconnected components of daily life continue because of the way our system is structured.

THE HISTORY AND PROGRESS OF BLACK CITIZENSHIP

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 267-277
Author(s):  
Leah Wright Rigueur ◽  
Anna Beshlian
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Black People ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
The United States ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Strategic Approach ◽  
Black Life ◽  
The 1960S

AbstractThis paper offers a broad overview of Black citizenship within the United States, concentrating on the major shifts in Black life that have transpired since the classical phase of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. We examine several critical aspects of Black citizenship including economic status, education, criminal justice and mass incarceration, and political participation. Our report reveals that Black progress toward equal citizenship is inconsistent at best; at worst, it is stagnant and at times, regressive. As such, we conclude that dramatic solutions beyond traditional reformist approaches are needed in order to realize genuine citizenship and equal rights for Black people within the United States. In closing, we briefly highlight a specific example of a strategic approach to advancing substantive social and political change.

scholarly journals Who Are the Homeless? Centering Anti-Black Racism and the Consequences of Colorblind Homeless Policies

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 340
Author(s):  
Earl James Edwards
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Black People ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Homeless Population ◽  
Public Identity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Persona

Since first becoming a major social issue in the 1980s, homelessness has been a racialized problem in the United States. Its disproportionate impact on Black Americans is primarily driven by structural racism and the limited housing and employment opportunities for Black Americans. The first major federal legislation to address the needs of the United States’ homeless population—the Stewart B. McKinney–Vento Homeless Assistance Act of 1987 omitted the root causes of Black housing instability, thereby proving ineffective at mitigating Black homelessness. As a result, Black Americans remain disproportionately impacted today. In addition to being neglected by the McKinney–Vento Homeless Assistance Act, Black men and women experiencing homelessness are more likely to be discriminated against than any other racial group. For example, Black men are more likely to be arrested than anyone else, and Black women are the most likely to experience hyper-surveillance. This paper uses the Public Identity Framework to argue that in the 1980s, advocates and opponents of homeless legislation created two contradictory public personas to shape public discourse and policies for the homeless. A colorblind public persona was used to pass the McKinney–Vento Homeless Act; meanwhile, the public persona of the “underclass” was used to criminalize and shame the homeless. Both personas operated concurrently to create a dual public identity for the homeless that influenced policy and ultimately harmed Black people.

Introduction to Patricia J. Williams

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Shaw ◽  
Patricia J. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Due Process ◽  
Black People ◽  
The United States ◽  
Daily Basis ◽  
Beloved Community ◽  
Substantive Justice ◽  
Black Single Mothers ◽  
American Society ◽  
Good And Evil

The brilliance of Patricia Williams’s work lies in her ability to use the personal to analyse the structures and institutions that affect our ways of living together. She has an unerring eye for the telling story which reveals to us our habits of being. As one of the foremost public intellectuals in the United States, she brings the qualities of a great and witty storyteller to her training as a lawyer, and tells us about ourselves. In her books The Alchemy of Race and Rights (1991) and The Rooster’s Egg (1995), she reveals the institutional racism that seeps through American society, corroding human rights on a day-to-day basis in ways both large and small. She shows how popular notions of racial difference are transmitted through American culture in myths about black single mothers and about America as a ‘colour-blind’ land of opportunity and hard work. She analyses the media’s sensational reporting of African-Americans in positions of authority and of crimes involving black people. At the heart of such myths and media sensationalism, she argues, is a crippling fear of the other which divides societies against themselves, to everyone’s loss and no one’s gain. It is this sense—that fear impedes and destroys civil rights and humiliates individuals on a daily basis—which drives the analysis she offers of American civil and urban society at this peculiar time of the ‘war on terror’ in her Oxford Amnesty Lecture. Beginning with the notion that America has a very particular notion of division within cities, one which is rooted in its own settler history where good and evil are seen to be battling for control, she then describes the present crisis as a structural problem masquerading as a personal one. Urban chaos is seen as ‘the result [. . .] of personal choice to side with darkness’. Consequently, the threat of terrorism within America is viewed as one that is to be confronted by ‘the project of rooting out the Evil-doers among us’. This is ‘an enterprise in which the application of due process and substantive justice is subordinated to a kind of secularized casting-out-of-demons from the Beloved Community’.

On the Use of Force

PMLA ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 132 (2) ◽  
pp. 471-477
Author(s):  
Chester Himes ◽  
Diego A. Millan
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Chester Himes ◽  
History Of ◽  
History Of Race

In the mid-1960s, the United States witnessed increasing social unrest: students led protests against the Vietnam war, and many black Americans expressed disillusionment over piecemeal gains of the civil rights movement. Whereas history remembers the antiwar rallies mostly as protests, official records often code black demonstrations in Boston, Cleveland, Buffalo, and the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles as riots. In response to two so-called riots in Newark, New Jersey, in July 1967, Chester Himes wrote “On the Use of Force” for the 24 July 1967 issue of the weekly Gaullist magazine Le nouveau Candide, where it was published in French translation (French version). The essay, never before published in English, offers timely thoughts concerning police brutality and is sure to be valuable for Himes scholarship, the story of black Americans in Europe, and the history of race and violence.

scholarly journals Race, crime, and emotions

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 205316801879533 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camille D. Burge ◽  
Gbemende Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Violent Crime ◽  
Black People ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Emotional Reactions ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Willingness To Participate ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
Original Survey

Experimental research on racial attitudes examines how Whites’ stereotypes of Black Americans shape their attitudes about the death penalty, violent crime, and other punitive measures. Marginally discussed in the race-to-crime literature are Blacks’ perceptions of retribution and justice. We fill this void by using an original survey experiment of 900 Black Americans to examine how exposure to intra- and- intergroup violent crime shapes their policy attitudes and emotional reactions to crime. We find that Black Americans are more likely to support increased prison sentences for violent crimes when the perpetrator is White and the victim is Black, and reduced sentences for “Black-on-Black” crime. Our analyses further reveal that Black people express higher levels of anger when the victim is Black and the perpetrator is White; levels of shame and anger also increase in instances of Black-on-Black crime. Given current race relations in the United States, we conclude by speculating about how these emotional reactions might shape one’s willingness to participate in the political arena.

Mary, Dionne, and Alma

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Anthony Hunter ◽  
Zandria F. Robinson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Women Professionals ◽  
Black People ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Oppression ◽  
Community Activists ◽  
Before And After

The second of three chapters on the power of chocolate cities, this chapter centers the lives, activism, and pioneering efforts of three black women professionals, entertainers, and community activists: Mary Hill Sanders, Dionne Warwick, and Alma Burrell. Exploring their lives, health setbacks, and push against the glass ceiling and racial oppression, the authors highlight their sophisticated and politically informed racial geography of the United States. Detailing the movement of black people throughout the domestic diaspora, this chapter illustrates the how gender, place, race, and power collided in the lives of black people before and after the civil rights movement.

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