scholarly journals A Comparative Study of Civil Military Conflicts and its Strategies for Conflict Resolution: Focused on Locational Conflicts of Military Facilities

2014 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyung Deuk Kwon ◽  
황선범 ◽  
임동진 ◽  
우무정

The main ways of ending military conflicts, both between states and within the state, are considered. Among the four main ways to end the war are: military victory, negotiated settlement, negotiated truces, peace of sorts is imposed by third parties. Researchers conclude that the best way to promote sustainable peace is a negotiated settlement. The main factor here is the text of the peace agreement, which creates the rules of the game, according to which the key actors in the conflict agree to act. The models of democracy that can be laid down in a peace agreement are analyzed. Among them are consociational democracy, power-dividing, centrifugal and corporate models. The attention is paid to the consociational model, which according to the author, is the best alternative for resolving the armed conflict in the occupied territories of Luhansk and Donetsk regions of Ukraine. The basic idea of power-sharing or consociational democracy is to accommodate the interests of the political elite, which represents each segment in a divided society. The key characteristics of power-sharing are a grand coalition, segment’s autonomy, proportional representation, and mutual veto. All these features can be applied in different categories of power-sharing. These are political, military, economic, and territorial dimensions. Besides, there are three types of power-sharing: inclusive power-sharing, constraining power-sharing, and dispersive power-sharing. The division of different types helps to understand at what stage of conflict resolution, what kind of institutions of power-sharing should be implemented. An analysis of the Minsk Agreement revealed that its text was at odds with current conflict resolution practices, which was one of the reasons why the agreement does not affect conflict resolution.


2008 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 847-860 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Thierry ◽  
Filippo Aureli ◽  
Charles L. Nunn ◽  
Odile Petit ◽  
Christophe Abegg ◽  
...  

1969 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 116
Author(s):  
William D. Popkin ◽  
L. Hart Wright ◽  
Jean van Hutte ◽  
Pierre Kerlan ◽  
Helmut Debatin ◽  
...  

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Mingjing Su

<p><em>A Passage to India is the magnum opus of E.</em><em> </em><em>M. Forster—a famous English novelist in the first half of 20th century. This essay does a comparative study about the different changing courses in the two heroines’ mind in India. Adela, one of them, tends to spiritualism from traditional English rationalism (materialism or literalism). While the other, Mrs. Moore, goes roughly from emotionalism to rationalism. However, there are two diverse outcomes: Adela builds her new mental scene finally, but Mrs. Moore fails to remodel herself after the collapse of her perceptual world. And the paper makes a deep analysis on the reason giving rise to such results. It is found, there are two main reasons. One is the different importance of the original values in their soul. The other one is the disparate conflict resolution styles when great changes happen in their inner heart.</em></p>


Cities ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 87 ◽  
pp. 185-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Osei-Kyei ◽  
Albert P.C. Chan ◽  
Yao Yu ◽  
Chuan Chen ◽  
Ayirebi Dansoh

2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (13-14) ◽  
pp. 2061-2096 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Elfversson

How does government bias affect prospects for peace agreements in communal conflicts? Government bias has been shown to have a strong impact on the incidence and dynamics of localized ethnic conflict, but the way that it affects conflict resolution remains underexplored. I argue that government bias makes the conflict parties less likely to overcome the commitment problem, because they cannot trust the government’s willingness to guarantee or uphold any agreement they reach. Consequently, bias reduces the chances that the parties are able to reach a peace agreement. A systematic comparison of four cases in Kenya provides support for this argument. I also distinguish between bias related to strategic interest and bias related to relationships, and find that the former is more durable, whereas the latter is more likely to be influenced by political turnover, thereby opening up possibilities for peacemaking.


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