Cross-segmental parties in consociational systems: Downplaying prowess to access power in Northern Ireland

Political parties are afforded a key role in making consociational democracy work; however, parties that dis-identify with salient identities and appeal to voters across the ethno-political divide face barriers when interacting with voters and with other, segmental parties. Nevertheless, such cross-segmental parties often thrive and even ascend to power. Northern Ireland’s cross-segmental parties – the Alliance Party, the Green Party, and People before Profit – have sought to traverse group-specific voter interests and set their agenda apart from that of segmental parties. For such parties to be considered ‘coalitionable’, they should outline their (potential) governing contribution to complement other political parties’ agendas. Cross-segmental parties’ participation in government makes them appear electable, but it is the focus on bipartisan concerns that consolidates their electoral success and ensures their political relevance. We focus on the evolution of Alliance’s political agenda and fill a gap in the literature on the relevance of cross-segmental parties in consociations.

Lebanese Republic: between Political Confessionalism and Political Pragmatism

One of the most interesting phenomena, that were associated with the functioning of the Lebanese power structures, is the principle of consociative (consociational) democracy in the country. It is expressed in the form of political confessionalism. At the same time, the principles of the functioning of political system of Lebanon have experienced and continue to experience significant changes during the almost 80 years of the history of Lebanese Republic. The understanding of the nature and the definition of the stages of this evolution will allow us to get the understanding of the prospects for further political development of this country, which is important for a Middle East region. The author of the articles hares the opinion of the researchers who believe that Lebanon is gradually transforming from a consociational to a majority democracy. Already at the time of the formation of the Lebanese Republic on the basis of a confessional principle, a declarative recognition of the temporary nature of the using of this principle was announced. In 1990, the amendments made to the Lebanese constitution contained provisions that are creating real opportunities for the implementation of the course of the deconfessionalization. In 2005, a radically new political system of Lebanon was formed on the wave of the Cedar Revolution. Although in the basis, it retains a confessional aspect, however, at the same time it represents a confrontation between wopoly-confessional political blocs. This (2021) year, a very small, but real, anti-confessional opposition political bloc has formed on the wave of mass dissatisfaction with the existing political system in Lebanon. This block plans to take part in the parliamentary elections in 2022. At the same time, the use of a anti-confessional rhetoric is often practiced in the highest political circles of the country. This phenomenon testifies to the growth of the popularity of a above-stated rhetoric. Finally, the influence of the external factors often promotes the overcoming the interfaith barriers by local political elites. Today, a Lebanese society finds itself half way between a traditional political confessionalism and a non-confessional political pragmatism. This political modus vivendi can be defined as a pragmatic confessionalism.

Consociational Democracy in Lebanon: Modern Challenges and Development Prospects

This article explores some key problems of the organization and operation of the Lebanese confessional political system. The study is carried out within the framework of the comparative approach and, in essence, is a comparison of the Lebanese realities with the ideal type of consociational democracy in order to identify country specific features and find ways to overcome the growing instability. Arend Lijpharts consociational theory is used as the main analytical tool. Based on the analysis of the formation and development of the Lebanese consociational system, the study identifies its historical roots, as well as its strengths and weaknesses. The article examines the internal and external causes of the Lebanese political crises and assesses the possible ways of evolution of the countrys political regime, including the prospects for the transformation of consociational democracy into a civil one. When applied to Lebanon, the terms consociationalism and political confessionalism are used as synonyms.

THE PAKISTAN MOVEMENT AND FEDERALISM

The careful reading of the history of Pakistan movement tells us the movement rose in response to the fear of the imposition of majoritarian- unitary democracy model in British India following the West Minister model. After 1857 war of independence, Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan had advised Muslims not to take part in politics and focus their energies on acquiring modern education and hence securing their due share in bureaucratic positions under the British rule. But when Congress was formed in 1885 and gradually democratic reforms were introduced, the fear of majoritarian-unitary model started creeping in among the Muslim elite. The leaders of Muslim League felt if the Westminster style majoritarian- unitary democracy model is introduced in British India that will ultimately bring over the centralized Congress rule in British India which they equated as the Hindu raj. The debate around the federal question remained on top of the agenda in British India since the announcement of the Nehru report in 1928. The failure of the Congress in addressing Muslim concerns regarding majoritarian- unitary democracy model ultimately led to the partition of India in 1947. In this paper the debate around the federal question and the demands for consociational democracy in Pakistan movement would be studied in detail and it will be analysed how far the failure of addressing the federal question was responsible for the partition of India. Keywords: Majoritarian Democracy, Indo-Pak History, Consociationalism, All India Muslim League, Muslim Separatism

What is a Normal Democracy?

The author argues there is no such thing as a "normal democracy", and that the decision made by the European Court of Human Rights in Sejdić-Finci case does not pay enough respect to consociational democracy as one of the legitimate forms of democracy. As human rights have to be balanced against one another, they also have to be balanced against other values, including peace and stability. As the practical solution in the election of the three-person collective Presidency in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author suggests three separate electoral colleges in the three territorial districts that would settle the tension between the politically viable power-sharing arrangements and the demand to respect human rights. The author concludes that more moral modesty is in place when foreign political advice in democratic constitutional design is issued for the divided societies.

Consociational democracy, citizenship and the role of the EU in Kosovo’s contested state-building

Consociational democracy has increasingly been adopted as a useful approach for conflict transformation in ethnic and violently divided societies. Its ultimate purpose is to turn former rivals into governing allies by providing power-sharing arrangements. Through theoretically driven process tracing, based on Kosovo as a case study, this article explores whether and how consociationalism has affected peace- and state-building. By examining its application through institutional design, it investigates citizenship policy and the role of the European Union on fostering a multi-ethnic society. The article argues that the existing corporate consociational model has institutionalised ethnicity challenging democracy and statehood, and did not promote a shared identity. Therefore, to overcome ethnic division and strengthen state legitimacy, the paper proposes a modification of consociational democracy into a liberal type promoted by a more persuasive role of the EU.

Vitaindító javaslatok a román–magyar viszony rövid távú javítása és hosszú távú fejlesztése kapcsán: a kisebbségi törvény aktualitása és egyéb problémák

The aim of the discussion paper is to assess the current state of Romanian−Hungarian relations in Transylvania, the causes of the problems and possible ways to improve interethnic links. The proposals include legal and non-legal solutions. From a Hungarian point of view, is not possible to circumvent the redesign of the dialogue; it is necessary to be able to explain why the goal is to achieve consociational democracy. In this context, it is also necessary to write a short programe document in Romanian outlining the ideal model of coexistence. The legal instrument for moving forward still seems to be the Minority Act provided for in the Constitution but never adopted. In this regard, Romania is in a situation of anti-constitutionality due to omission. Resolving the problem of language use in the judiciary is also a key issue. The establishment of training centres in Cluj-Napoca and Iași within the framework of the National Institute of Magistracy in the short term may be a step forward to tackle the under-representation in the judiciary, while consociational democracy is the solution in the long term for this issue as well. The topic of cultural autonomy, which already exists in certain elements, is also open and may lead to progress, and this must be resolved within the framework of the Minority Act.

What Does It Mean to Be a(n Italian) Borderland? Recent Literature on Italy's ‘New Provinces’ of South Tyrol and the Julian March

In the era of the Schengen Area (at least in the days before Covid-19), travel from Munich to Bozen/Bolzano or Ljubljana to Trst/Trieste is a decidedly unremarkable, albeit beautiful, adventure. Just as meaningful as the lack of border controls, travellers find all public signage in both Italian and German (and sometimes Ladin, too) upon arrival in Bozen/Bolzano. Signs in the streets of Trst/Trieste less reliably have Slovene alongside the Italian, but assistance with translation can be found with little difficulty. The Italian autonomous regions ‘with special statutes’ in which these cities reside – Trentino-Alto Adige (South Tyrol) and Friuli Venezia Giulia (the Julian March) – are multilingual territories that, at least on an official level, embrace a multiethnic heritage and reality. In fact, Trentino-Alto Adige's consociational democracy is widely regarded among political scientists as an international role model for how states can successfully protect and give voice to minority populations. Those unfamiliar with the more recent history of these regions might be surprised to learn of these avowedly multiethnic political and cultural structures. For much of the first half of the twentieth century, the regions’ two states – Austria-Hungary until 1919 and thereafter Italy – employed the ‘nationality principle’ to define policies and populations in these territories. As in most of Europe at the time, sovereignty was increasingly predicated on the contemporary ideal of the nation state, in which borders, ethnicity, language and citizenship were all bound together. Of course, as a multiethnic empire, Austria-Hungary was much more concerned about centralising state authority (and then fighting a world war) than national homogeneity, while Italy's nationalisation campaign in the interwar period became fundamental to its presence in the new provinces. Still, both states sought to classify and ultimately to control their border populations by privileging ethnolinguistic categories of citizenship.