HOW DO MILITARY CONFLICTS END? LESSONS FOR UKRAINE

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Consociational Democracy ◽  
Negotiated Settlement ◽  
Military Conflicts ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
Dispersive Power ◽  
Military Victory

The main ways of ending military conflicts, both between states and within the state, are considered. Among the four main ways to end the war are: military victory, negotiated settlement, negotiated truces, peace of sorts is imposed by third parties. Researchers conclude that the best way to promote sustainable peace is a negotiated settlement. The main factor here is the text of the peace agreement, which creates the rules of the game, according to which the key actors in the conflict agree to act. The models of democracy that can be laid down in a peace agreement are analyzed. Among them are consociational democracy, power-dividing, centrifugal and corporate models. The attention is paid to the consociational model, which according to the author, is the best alternative for resolving the armed conflict in the occupied territories of Luhansk and Donetsk regions of Ukraine. The basic idea of power-sharing or consociational democracy is to accommodate the interests of the political elite, which represents each segment in a divided society. The key characteristics of power-sharing are a grand coalition, segment’s autonomy, proportional representation, and mutual veto. All these features can be applied in different categories of power-sharing. These are political, military, economic, and territorial dimensions. Besides, there are three types of power-sharing: inclusive power-sharing, constraining power-sharing, and dispersive power-sharing. The division of different types helps to understand at what stage of conflict resolution, what kind of institutions of power-sharing should be implemented. An analysis of the Minsk Agreement revealed that its text was at odds with current conflict resolution practices, which was one of the reasons why the agreement does not affect conflict resolution.

“Mission impossible”: exploring the viability of power-sharing as a conflict-resolution tool in Syria

2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emer Groarke
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Negotiated Settlement ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
Viable Model ◽  
Theoretical Overview ◽  
Research Analysis

Purpose – This paper aims to show the viability of consociational power-sharing as a conflict-resolution tool in Syria. It further argues that a subsequent movement from consociational to centripetal power-sharing is vital to ensure sustainable peace. Design/methodology/approach – A theoretical overview of power-sharing as a conflict-resolution tool provides the basis for this paper, supported by empirical evidence and qualitative research analysis for its proposed application in Syria. Perceived obstacles to a negotiated settlement are outlined, with suggestions made as to how these issues can be transformed into incentives for invested parties. Such obstacles include Bashar al-Assad remaining in power, and calls for the implementation of Shari’a law by some opposition groups. Findings – While previously the conditions of the conflict were not conducive to peace talks, this paper finds that regional developments, including the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, have re-opened the possibility of, and indeed the necessity for, political negotiations. Detailing the complexity of a conflict that goes far beyond a mere sectarian divide, the findings of this paper dispel the notion that a sectarian partition is a viable model for Syria. The paper highlights the multiple cleavages occurring simultaneously, and shows how a power-sharing model is best suited to deal with them. Originality/value – The paper analyses the ongoing inertia of political negotiations to peacefully resolve the conflict. It offers an approach to conflict-resolution in Syria that has, thus far, not been adequately considered in academic – or political – spheres.

scholarly journals Power and Decision Making in the Early Church

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Seth Akhilele
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Organizational Behavior ◽  
Leadership Style ◽  
Leadership Behavior ◽  
Power Distance ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Early Church ◽  
Study Results

Abstract In this article, there is the intersection of biblical principles into the teaching and learning of organizational behavior. It examined the crisis in the early Church, as told in the Luke account of Acts of the Apostles Chapter six, and how the leaders decided to resolve the conflict. The exegetical analysis method revealed the lessons learned from the apostolic leaders’ decision-making strategy and the power play in their leadership style. The results included the need for decision making for conflict resolution, decision and empowerment, power distance advantage, and power-sharing advantage in the early Church. The decision-making style for resolving the conflict in the Church was then recommended for contemporary church leaders, in teaching organizational leadership behavior in Christian schools, and in practice in other organizations. The study results suggest that the Bible is a rich source of data for teaching organizational behavior. Keywords: Low-power distance, conflict resolution, decision making, church, power-sharing.

scholarly journals Peace Governance and Multiculturalism: What role for Peace Education in the Balkans

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lidija Georgieva
Keyword(s):  
Peace Education ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Negotiated Settlement ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Negotiated Settlements ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Critical Issues ◽  
Violent Conflicts

This article will focus on theoretical and practical dilemmas related to the concept of peace governance, and within this context on the possible transformative role of peace education trough facilitation of contact between communities in conflict. The basic assumption is that violent conflicts in the Balkans have been resolved trough negotiated settlements and peace agreements. Yet, education strategy including peace education and its impact on post-conflict peacebuilding and reconciliation are underestimated. Peace governance is recognized as a dynamic but challenging process often based on institutional and policy arrangements aimed to at least settle conflict dynamics or in some cases even to provide more sustainable peace after signing of negotiated settlement in multicultural societies. We will argue that education in general is one of the critical issues of peace governance arrangements that could facilitate peacebuilding and create a contact platform between communities. The first question addressed in this article is to what extend peace agreements refer to education as an issue and the second one relate to the question if education is included in peace agreement to what extent it contributes for contact between different conflicting communities. Although it is widely accepted that contacts between former adversaries contributes for multicultural dialogue it is less known or explained if and in what way peace agreements provisions on education facilitate contact and transformation of conflicting relations.

Peace Processes in Northern Ireland and Turkey

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. Aytaç Kadioğlu
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Peace Initiatives ◽  
Elite Level ◽  
Resolution Processes ◽  
The Impact

This book assesses the impact of political, non-violent resolution efforts in the Northern Irish and Turkish-Kurdish peace processes. It offers an important contribution to conflict-resolution research, theorising the various stages involved in the attempted resolution of asymmetric conflicts. By relying on primary sources, including interviews and recently declassified archival papers, it presents an innovative framework for conflict resolution, a starting-point for further research on managing peace processes and ethno-nationalist conflicts. This book challenges the notion of ‘conflict resolution’ in these two peace processes, both far-reaching ethno-nationalist conflicts in the post-Cold War era. Incorporating fieldwork carried out until 2015, the book compares these conflicts during major peace attempts, from early secret talks and semi-official peace initiatives, to multilateral and internationalised conflict-resolution processes through not only main armed protagonists, but also independent third parties. It analyses the political resolution efforts for ending the IRA and PKK’s armed campaigns and establishing a peace agreement. It argues that peace initiatives are ongoing processes which contain not only formal peace initiatives, but also informal and secret peace efforts. It suggests that formal and informal initiatives together embody conflict resolution processes through three major aspects: backchannel communications as the unofficial aspect, peace organisations as the informal and semi-official aspect, and negotiations as the official aspect of conflict resolution efforts, which operate at the elite level of conflict resolution.

Burundi: Assessing Military Institutional Reforms Post-Arusha

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Astrid Jamar ◽  
Gerard Birantamije
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Institutional Reforms ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
Military Politics ◽  
The Military

Military politics have been entangled with the trajectory of Burundian public institutions, experiences of violence, and the army formation. From 1994 to 2009, the peace process brought together different political parties, security forces, and rebel groups to negotiate ceasefires and major institutional reforms. Adopted in 2000, the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement contained some of the most ambitious and sophisticated security reforms. While most literature emphasizes mostly on the Arusha Peace Agreement, 22 agreements were signed by different sets of parties, including political parties and rebel groups during these 15 years of peace meditation. The Arusha Peace Agreement provides for complex security arrangements: (a) a strictly defined role, structure, and mandate of the army and other security forces; (b) sophisticated power-sharing arrangements for both leadership and composition of the army and other security forces; (c) demobilization, disarmament, integration, and training of armed forces; (d) transformation of armed groups into political parties; and (e) ceasefires. The peace talks integrated various armed political groups into Burundian institutions. Responding to four decades of violence and military dictatorship, these reforms of the military and other security forces aimed to disentangle the military from politics. Initially contested, the agreements shaped the reading of the historical contexts that justified these institutional military reforms. Indeed, provisions of these agreements also framed a narrative about violence and imposed fixed interpretations of political mobilization of violence. These imposed interpretations neglected key elements that enabled and, continue to enable, the political use of violence as well as the emergence of new forms of military politics. The main institutional approaches adopted to tackle issue of inclusion and correct imbalances in armed forces was the introduction of power-sharing arrangements based on ethnic dimensions. The formulation and further implementation of ethnic quotas reinforced the binary elements of ethnic identities, rather than promote a more fluid understanding that would appreciate intersecting elements, such as gender, political affiliation, and class and regional dimensions in the undertaking of power, alliance, and relations between executive and military institutions. Security reforms continue to affect the functioning of public institutions, with limited effects for disentangling politics and military.

Minority Over-representation through Seat-cap Imposition and Regressive Representation: Self-determination Versus Pre-determination in Consociational Democracy

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-215
Author(s):  
Masataka Kimura
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Consociational Democracy

This article explores ways to realize minority over-representation through elections without pre-determination, and presents new options in designing electoral systems for consociational democracy. Specifically, the article considers seat-cap imposition and regressive representation, which are compatible with the principle of self-determination in deciding what ethnic groups should participate in power sharing, to overcome pre-determination-related problems in consociationalism. The pertinent questions to be discussed include how minority over-representation can be justified, how it can be balanced with the principle of ‘one person, one vote, one value’, and how to prevent possible collusive strategies by parties to artificially increase seats.

scholarly journals Peran Indonesia dalam Upaya Penyelesaian Konflik antara Pemerintah Filipina dan Moro Nationalism Liberation Front (MNLF)

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Hardi Alunaza SD ◽  
Dewa Anggara
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Max Weber ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Conflict Theory ◽  
World Peace ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Resolution Process ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Philippine Government

The Moro Nationalism Liberation Front (MNLF) has long been perceived by the Philippine government as a threat. The continuity of this conflict resulted in the instability of the Philippine state which also affects its relations with other countries. Indonesia as a neighboring country and one region with the Philippines helped to resolve the conflict between the Philippine government and MNLF. The presence of Indonesia became a history of Indonesian diplomacy for the world peace struggle contained in Indonesia’s Preamble of the 1945 Constitution. This paper is attempts to answer that question using conflict theory from Max Weber which focuses on interaction in conflict resolution. The results of this paper indicates that Indonesian’s role in mediating the conflict resolution process resulted in a Final Peace Agreement which is the final peace agreement between the Philippine Government and MNLF.Keywords: Moro Nationalism Liberation Front (MNLF), Philippine, Indonesia, conflict resolution, Final Peace Agreement, mediation

scholarly journals On the Dynamics of Extremist Violence

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Arzu Kıbrıs ◽  
Özgür Kıbrıs
Keyword(s):  
Dynamic Model ◽  
Decision Maker ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Expected Payoff ◽  
Military Victory ◽  
Commitment Problems ◽  
Armed Opposition Groups ◽  
Expected Duration

AbstractMany modern armed conflicts contain more than two fighting parties, or armed opposition groups that have factions within them. It is the moderates in an armed opposition that governments negotiate with. But the agreement’s fate depends on the approval of all other significant actors within the opposition. We construct a dynamic model of conflict in which such an actor is to decide whether to accept a peace agreement signed by the moderates or not. Using this model we analyze the behavior of our decision maker, focusing on outcomes like the optimal settlement strategy, expected duration of the conflict, and the decision maker’s expected payoff from conflict. We then determine how these outcomes are affected by changes in the conflict environment. Finally, we extend our model to analyze the implications of commitment problems, and the possibility that the conflict ends with military victory of either side.

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