Legal and Political Results of the First World War and the Creation of a New World Order

Author(s):  
V. G. Baev ◽  
◽  
S. A. Frolov ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Ikbal M.A. Dyurre

In most cases, neocolonialism is mentioned and investigated in an economic sense, as the establishment and maintenance of unequal trade and economic relations between the former metropolises and colonies due to the formed and maintained economic, as well as institutional, cultural, educational weakness of the latter. However, neocolonialism, as colonialism, has other areas of application, and in particular, ideological and historical. This paper examines the transition from the Treaty of Sevres to the Treaty of Lausanne in relation to the fate of the Kurdish people and their potential for independent, sovereign development. The First World War ended a century ago. But the point, of course, is not in a round date, but in the relevance of the subsequent agreements on a new world order. Over the past century international relations as a whole have changed significantly, and instead of several colonial powers, two future superpowers started to compete in all areas, including the ideological. However, the lie that the colonialists resorted to, establishing a new world order, continues to be the basis of the modern conflict around the Kurdish problem and not only it. Despite recognition a century ago, the rights of all peoples to an independent existence, even today the Kurdish people have no national state, remains divided between the borders defined by the former colonial powers. Despite the condemnation of colonialism, its «heritage» in the form of state boundaries drawn with one purpose or another even today are the cause of numerous territorial conflicts. In this sense, the decolonization process is still incomplete.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina Simonenko ◽  

Introduction. The paper is devoted to the participation of Canada in the creation and activities of the Imperial War Cabinet and two Imperial War Conferences of 1917 and 1918 to explain the evolution of the foreign and political status of Canada as a part of the British Empire after the end of the War. Methods and materials. The paper is based on the British and Canadian Parliamentary Debates, Reports, Minutes of Proceedings and Meetings of the Imperial War Conferences 1917/1918 and the Imperial War Cabinet. To study them, it uses the method of historical criticism of sources. The author also uses the historical-genetic, comparative and the narrative methods to investigate the causes, the process of creating and activities of imperial military bodies for the unified management of the war. Analysis. The paper analyzes the reasons for the creation of imperial military organizations in the British Empire during the war. It reveals the organizational and functional differences between the two imperial military bodies: Cabinet and Conference. The author studies the activities of imperial military bodies during the war in detail, determines the role of the Canadian delegation in this process. The article analyzes the decisions of the imperial military bodies, reveals their domestic and foreign policy consequences for Dominion of Canada. Results. Canada’s active participation in the creation and activities of the imperial military bodies during the First World War was one of the factors in the transformation of the Empire into the Commonwealth of Nations, the formation of its own national identity, political and foreign independence within the Empire.


Author(s):  
Samantha Caslin

The title of this book is taken from a statement made by a Liverpool-based women’s refuge, the House of Help, in 1918. Having offered its services to women for two decades, the House of Help looked towards the end of the First World War with the hope that their organization could be part of the ‘building’ of a ‘new world by helping to save the womanhood of our country’....


Author(s):  
George Gotsiridze

The work discusses the legacy of the First World War - its positive and negative sides - which played an important role in the formation of the world processes in the post-war period and still preserves its viability.The actuality of the problem is backed by the fact that the relationship of the Trans-caucasian countries with the outer world is still problematic nowadays. We witness how the world’s political and economic map is changing and technical-scientific progress is tangible. In the conditions of the accelerated global processes, a general political, economic and cultural area is being formed, and a new world order is being formed with its difficulties, social catastrophes or cataclysms, conflicts, divergence and integration. At this time, it is of utmost importance to analyze historical problems from the past and seek ways to resolve them in the political relations of the South Caucasus, as in their attitude towards the outside world, understanding that unity is a necessary guarantee of strengthening the statehood of each country and that the perception of the Transcaucasia by the rest of the world as a unified political and economic sphere will simplify the Euro - Atlantic integration. The issue is discussed from the new humanitarian perspectives, which gives us the opportunity to determine the national verticals from experience received centuries ago, around which local or regional political consciousness should be unified in order to satisfy the national interests of each country in the Transcaucasia through closer cooperation.


1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 875-898 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip M. Taylor

In July 1918 it was the considered opinion of Lord Northcliffe that propaganda and diplomacy were incompatible. When, only five months earlier, Northcliffe had accepted Lloyd George's invitation to take charge of the newly created department of enemy propaganda, his appointment, coupled with that of Lord Beaverbrook as Britain's first minister of information, had held out the promise of a new phase in the efficiency and co-ordination of Britain's conduct of official propaganda in foreign countries. It was then, in February 1918, that the Foreign Office had finally been forced to relinquish its control over such work. However, the creation of the two new departments had produced an intolerable situation. After three years of inter-departmental rivalry and squabbling over the conduct of propaganda overseas, Whitehall closed ranks on Beaverbrook and Northcliffe and united behind the Foreign Office in opposition to any further transference of related duties into their hands. Now, after five months of continued obstruction, Northcliffe expressed the view that:As a people we do not understand propaganda ways…Propaganda is advertising and diplomacy is no more likely to understand advertising than advertising is likely to understand diplomacy.


1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-142
Author(s):  
Taha J. Al 'Alwani

The Polemics of IjtihadFrom the second hijri century until the present day, the reality, the essence,the rules, the conditions, the premises, the means, and the scope of ijtihadhave remained a source of debate engaging some of the Islamic world's greatesttheologians, scholars of al usul, and fuqaha': This debate has also been enrichedby proponents of the view that the door of ijtihad was closed and that thefiqh left by the Four Imams obviated the need for any further ijtihad, aswell as by those who claimed that this door was still open and that the existingfiqh was not sufficient to guide the contemporary Muslim world.In our own times, attention is now focused on the suitability of the Shari'ahas an order and a way of life. This new topic of debate, before unknownamong Muslims, emerged after the crushmg defeats experienced by the Muslimummah after the First World War, such as the dismantling of the khihfahand the creation of artificial states ruled from Europe. Many Muslims blamedIslam and its institutions for their defeat, and soon began to emulate theirconquerors. Others, however, had a quite different view: the Muslim ummahexperienced these disasters because it had become alienated from the eternaltruths of Islam. Thus, what was required was a return to the true Islam andnot its wholesale rejection in favor of alien institutions and ideologies. Onefundamental part of this return would have to be the use of ijtihad, for howelse could Muslims incorporate Islamic principles into situations with whichthey had never had to deal?Muslims who hold the latter view are aware of the fact that they mustmeet their opponents in the realm of ideas, for it is here that the future courseof the ummah will be decided. To be successful, much energy must beexpended in scholarship and conceptual thinking, in seeking to understandhumanity's place in the divine scheme of existence and what is expected ofit, and how this knowledge might be applied by Muslims as they struggle ...


2021 ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
Olga Bilobrovets

The purpose of this study is to analyze the research on the First World War, specifically focusing on changing topics and new discourses, clarifying the place and role of the Great War in the historical memory of Ukrainian and Polish peoples over the centuries and analyzing the means of its actualization and memorialization. The research methodology is based on comparative studies aiming to shed light on convergence and divergence in the historical memory of the First World War in Ukraine and Poland over the past hundred years. The historical-analytical method is employed to characterize the Ukrainian and Polish historiography on the Great War and analyze the information space to identify current trends in representing war events, new discourses, and commemorative practices. The scientific novelty. The study highlights new approaches to the study of the First World War by historians and demonstrates the growth of its role and importance in the historical memory of Ukraine and Poland in the first decades of the XXI century. Conclusions. The First World War, though being an epoch-making event in the history of mankind for decades, was considered a "forgotten" war and received little attention in the historical research of Ukrainian and Polish scholars. In Soviet historiography, it was positioned as the war of the imperialists and did not arouse much interest. Polish historians mainly focused on studying the solution to the Polish issue during the war, the activities of Polish socialist political parties, and the revival of Polish statehood. Only in the late 90's of the twentieth century, a number of studies on the Great War appeared in Poland and Ukraine, with topics of research and discourses revealing such global phenomena as refugees, showing economic, social, and cultural aspects of the war, clarifying the personal, emotional, and psychological level of its perception by the population of warring countries. On the 100th anniversary of the beginning and end of the Great War, the popularization of knowledge about the war was intensified through the creation of special programs, documentaries and feature films, a series of interviews, TV and radio programs with famous historians discussing the main events and consequences of the war, reflecting on its lessons and prevention of future military conflicts. In Poland, the jubilee anniversaries of the war facilitated the resumption of activities to perpetuate the memory of the war participants through the installation of monuments, memorials, and the creation of museum exhibits.


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 264-286
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer

De partij, het Vlaamsche Front, werd door de vooraanstaande Vlaams-nationalistische historicus Hendrik Elias in de jaren zestig van de 20ste eeuw beschreven als een partij waar sociaal bewogen, pacifistische en links-revolutionaire wereldverbeteraars een plaats vonden en invloed uitoefenden. Die strekking werd verbonden met het vage begrip ‘humanitair’ en met een uitgesproken democratische en pacifistische ingesteldheid. Haar werd verhoudingsgewijs erg belangrijke rol toegedicht in het Vlaams-nationalisme van die naoorlogse jaren. Robert Van Roosbroeck, geboren in Antwerpen in 1898, was vier jaar ouder dan Hendrik Elias. Hij had deze jaren als jong, militant kaderlid van de partij meegemaakt. Elias gebruikte hem als bron voor de beschrijving van de overgang van oorlog naar vrede in het Vlaams-nationalisme in Antwerpen. Van Roosbroeck  had daardoor een grote invloed op de creatie van dit humanitaire en pacifistische amigo van het Vlaamsche Front. De autobiografische teksten waarmee hij Elias beïnvloedde, zijn het onderwerp van deze bronuitgave.________The foundation of The Flemish Front in Antwerp. A testimony by Rob Van RoosbroeckIn the nineteen sixties Hendrik Elias, the prominent Flemish Nationalist historian, described the Flemish Front party, which was founded after the First World War, as a party where pacifists with a social conscience and left-revolutionary do-gooders found a niche and exerted influence. That meaning was linked with the vague concept of ‘humanitarian’ and a more explicit democratic and pacifist conviction. The Flemish-Nationalism of those past war years attributed a comparatively large role to the Flemish Front. Robert Van Roosbroeck, born in Antwerp in 1898, was four years older than Hendrik Elias. He had experienced these years as a young, militant executive member of the party. Elias used him as a source for the description of the transition from war to peace in Flemish Nationalism in Antwerp. For that reason Van Roosbroeck greatly influenced the creation of the humanitarian and pacifist image of the Flemish Front. The autobiographic texts with which he influenced Elias constitute the subject of this source publication.


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