ОСНОВНЫЕ ЗАДАЧИ И ВИДЫ МОДЕРАЦИИ КАК ПРИКЛАДНОГО СПОСОБА ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ И ТЕХНОЛОГИИ УРЕГУЛИРОВАНИЯ КОНФЛИКТА

Moderation is considered in this article as a complex of social and political approaches. This article highlights the variety of aspects of moderation: essential, research, regulatory, and resolving. The actualization of different types of moderation relates to the problem of unending emergency and reproduction of the dangerous conflict forms, despite the existence of the diversity of modern regulating socio-political conflict technologies. Such dominant conflict management applied technologies as arbitration, negotiation, mediation, and facilitation are often inefficient in the regulation of complex and large-scale conflicts in the social-political sphere, because of the absence of deep and timely problem research, furthermore, the absence of technologies scientific development and conceptualization, useful for such regulation. This problem is particularly acute in the following situations: conflict active faze and escalation, non-availability of conciliation, complex and multidimensional conflict subject, global transformation of modern society values, constant mutation of various confrontation forms. Thus, the article aim is to analyze and find out the moderation potentiality in conflict research and regulation, along with attention to moderator and moderation stylistics. Moderation today is both a pedagogical, managerial, and research technology, able to solve not only the entire range of applied problems of modern conflict science, but to work with the conflict through the whole technology complex. The moderation can become the most optimal way to study and regulate various types and forms of conflict in socio-political interaction, because of its long practical experience in conducting research in the form of focus groups in different areas and situations, on a par of its serious scientific and applied social-political potentiality.

МОДЕЛИ ОНЛАЙН-МОБИЛИЗАЦИИ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ПРОТЕСТА СОВРЕМЕННОЙ РОССИЙСКОЙ МОЛОДЕЖИ (РЕЗУЛЬТАТЫ ЭМПИРИЧЕСКОГО ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ)

The paper considers the problem of empirical search for models of online mobilization of the youth protest movement in the modern Russian metropolis. In the political practice of many countries, young people have become one of the most important objects of influence of various political actors, both internal and external. Also, in Russian political protest, young people are traditionally the driving force. In the last decade, the online environment has become the most effective and operational communication field for the construction of the political process. The greatest political impact was achieved by the online organization of protest actions, the key element of the strategy of which was the mobilization of the masses. The objectives of the study are to use multidimensional methods of analysis to identify the features that influence the formation of online mobilization models, and to give a descriptive description of each of the models. To study the problem, an online survey of representatives of the younger generation in all megacities of the Russian Federation was conducted, during which latent factors of political action in the online environment, online mechanisms for attracting the attention of users of social networks to political problems that play the role of a protest trigger, and types of political participation were identified. With the help of classification methods, the obtained factors were obtained four models of online mobilization of the political prosthesis of the youth of modern Russia.

СОВРЕМЕННЫЕ ОЦЕНКИ ВЛИЯНИЯ ЭКОЛОГО-КЛИМАТИЧЕСКОГО ФАКТОРА НА ЭТНИЧЕСКИЕ КОНФЛИКТЫ

The deterioration of the environmental conditions of human life, climate change and forced (climate) migration have become part of the most crucial global challenges over the past few decades. This article is devoted to the analysis of contemporary scientific studies of the impact of weakening environmental capacity and climatic changes on ethnic conflicts and their specific features in the world regions. Present paper provides research outlook on the base of comparative studies and country cases overview that define the influence of an unfavorable environment and climate hazards on the intergroup conflicts and ethnic violence. The research overview also focuses on the relationship between the development on research area itself with the contemporary public and political agenda of ecology and climate change. The main focus of attention is directed to the chain of relationships between the environmental changes and forced (climate) migration in relation to the processes of urbanization and internal migration within agricultural regions. Such studies overview geography of the environmental risks and identify countries of East and West Africa, as well as South Asia, as the most exposed to given climate risks. The number of studies on the countries of East and West Africa give the most evident perspective on the link between forced environment-driven migration and conflict. On the one hand, destabilization of inter-ethnic relations and the emergence of inter-ethnic violence are driven by the regional processes of urbanization that form the cities with "double fragility" with undeveloped infrastructure, economic and status inequality of ethnic groups and communities and weakened by the push-pull model of forced (climate) migration. On another — studies of forced agricultural migration in rural areas show the mechanisms of ethno-cultural differences, different status positions and in-group favoritism of the regional authorities as the conditions of ethnic grievance and violence. As a result, it is hard to underestimate the importance of justice as a condition and principle for robust strategies for adaptation to environmental changes and building of inter-ethnic trust.

CОЦИОКУЛЬТУРНЫЕ КООРДИНАТЫ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ СТРАТЕГИЙ СОВРЕМЕННОГО ПРЕДПРИНИМАТЕЛЬСТВА: РОССИЙСКИЙ КЕЙС

The article examines the value foundations of entrepreneurial activity in Russia, reveals the national specifics of interaction between the state and business. In this regard, the authors analyze the causal mechanisms and socio-cultural prerequisites for structural deformations of classical forms of entrepreneurship in Russian society, the stereotypes of articulation of political and ethical justifications by entrepreneurship of economic strategies in their relationship with the characteristics of national human capital. Based on the methodological premises of W. Baumol's concept, the authors describe the patterns of transformation of entrepreneurial values, paying special attention to the sociocultural and political factors in the development of productive, unproductive and destructive (destructive) entrepreneurship in modern Russia. Productive entrepreneurship develops due to the generation of innovative rent, unproductive entrepreneurship makes a profit due to the redistribution of the state treasury and assets, and destructive entrepreneurship develops due to the use by political actors of their capabilities to force entrepreneurs to pay political rent. Historical examples demonstrate the role of private Russian capital in creating a system of "political rent seeking" unproductive for society and creating political preferences for the realization of economic interests. The focus of the article is also concentrated on the study of the correlation of the value attitudes of Russian business with the resource-oriented economy and the peculiarities of the Russian political regime, the historical and cultural context of the political discourses of Russian business entities, which creates, establishes or imposes rules and norms not only economic, but also political, social, legal behavior. The manifested values, meanings and political and ethical substantiation by Russian business of everyday economic practices and their movement into the political sphere are revealed; historical forms of expression of political positions by entrepreneurship are decoded. On the other hand, the article analyzes the political mechanisms of the state's construction of the institutional design of entrepreneurship and its management.

ПЕРФЕКЦИОНИЗМ КАК ФАКТОР КОНФЛИКТОВ

The article is devoted to the study of different types of perfectionism influence on occurrence of interpersonal conflict and its connection with impersonal conflict. Perfectionism is defined as regular pursuit of unattainable perfection focused on excessive standards. The article shows the multidimensionality of this phenomenon reflecting first of all spreading perfectionist's intention to achieve perfection either to himself or to others, or globally. The emphasis on the idea that perfectionism can have either neurotic or healthy nature on which its conflictogenity is dependent is made in the article. To overcome the ambiguity of this phenomenon understanding it’s proposed to use the term “pseudo-perfectionism” to name a “healthy” form of perfectionism. The distinct origins of perfectionism formation — under parental pressure in childhood or during adulthood under economic conditions pressure, especially profound in the modern world are revealed in the article. The certain form of perfectionism emergence is provoked by these affections depending on a number of conditions. The forms of perfectionism differ by their conflict potential degree and ability of their carriers to adapt to society. It’s accentuated in the article that personal neurotic perfectionism formed under unfavorable conditions provokes fear of failure, inadequate responsibility for the activity results, thinking in “all or nothing” format and self-esteem rigid dependence on an achievement level is emphasized in the article. Pseudo-perfectionism increases activities’ essence significance, promotes adequate results’ assessment standards establishment and is reflected in individual’s realistic requirements to his performance level. The conflict potential of different forms of perfectionism is investigated. Directed at the individual himself it’s distorting his basic needs and causing intrapersonal conflict which in turn creates the ground for interpersonal collisions. When directed towards others perfectionism provokes interpersonal conflicts directly. The idea that both neurotic and pseudo-perfectionism have a conflict potential, but the nature and prospects of conflicts caused by these forms differ significantly is carried out.

ЦЕННОСТИ И СМЫСЛЫ НЕНАСИЛИЯ В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ПРОТЕСТЕ

The article presents the results of a long-term study of protest as a cultural phenomenon, the transformation of values, realized in the activities of the best people of the planet and their followers. These values have absorbed the experience of many generations and the behavior of people defending the rights of an individual to dignity, equality before the law, fair attitude, freedom of thought. In the history of the development of political thought, values have formed that constitute the core of civil culture. The genesis of the birth of the nucleus of civil culture from the thinkers of Antiquity, ideologists of nonviolent resistance, leaders of the French bourgeois revolution, activists of the “new left” movement to the protests of our time is shown. The basis for updating the protection of these values is the socio-political situation, characterized by the divergence of interests of civil society and ruling political groups. The values of the core of civil culture (freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, freedom of assembly, human rights) acquire an acute urgency in situations of power crisis. This is the time of the birth of new values that will mobilize new generations of protesters. Protest, as an act of protecting the values of the individual, is a measure of the level of development of political culture in the state. The protest — it's not just a mass exit of dissent on the area. This is an indicator of the level of self-awareness of citizens and the development of the political culture of society. The symbols of political protest actions are a special text that expresses the meanings of values. The authors present the results of a sociological study, which used comparative, value-semantic, interpretive approaches, studied the meanings and values of political protests of the 20th — early 19th centuries, analyzed visual and publicistic evidence of protest actions: photo and video materials, publications in the press.

СПРАВЕДЛИВОСТЬ И РАВЕНСТВО КАК АЛЬТЕРНАТИВЫ СВОБОДЕ В ИСТОРИЧЕСКОМ КОНТЕКСТЕ РОССИЙСКОГО СОЦИУМА

in the historical context of Russia, the correlation and interrelation of the concepts and values of freedom with justice and equality are considered. It is shown that in Russian society, historically, based on the Byzantine model of the relationship between the state and the Church, these institutions nurtured humility, patience, and asceticism to all the vicissitudes of life in the mentality and way of life of the Russian people. This is why the consciousness of the Russian ethnic group has a special craving for permanent affirmation of the values of equality and justice in everyday life at different times and periods. The discontent of the masses, which resulted in riots, uprisings, and other forms of protest, was the result of their feeling that the rich and the authorities were violating equality and justice in their way of life. The article shows the mediative role of justice in relation to equality and freedom and the constant mental perception of equality as justice in Russian historical realities. Special attention is paid to understanding the reasons for the ineradicable desire of Russian society for justice, which turns into opposites of injustice and inequality. An important statement is the idea that in Russian society it is necessary to form objective and subjective conditions that root the value of freedom, without which justice cannot be fully established. The author emphasizes the need to make a change in the culture and mentality of Russians in the understanding that justice without freedom is unfair, and justice is just only in Union with freedom. It is the transition from the confrontational model of “justice against freedom” to the model of “just justice based on freedom” that will largely determine the civilizational breakthrough to a successful future for Russia.

ТЕОРИЯ П. ВИРНО: КОММУНИКАЦИЯ, НОВАЯ ПУБЛИЧНОСТЬ, ДЕМОКРАТИЯ

The article is about the key moments of the theory of post-operaist philosopher Paolo Virno in connection with the concepts of nonmaterial economy and general intellect. The theory of post-operaism is based on the judgment that, from the one hand, communication becomes the leading mean of production and increment of capital in the frame of Post-Fordist capitalism; from the other hand, communication as the mode of production of «common» can be the foundation for the labor autonomy from capital and emergence the new types of democracy. The borders between labor (poesis), political activity (praxis) and intellect (life of Mind) blur in the frame nonmaterial economy functioning. As a result, we have deal with the situation of politization of labor and highlighting the phenomenon of virtuosity as a key competence in the new type of capitalism. Connection between labor and politics moves the labor activity in to category of public action that build new understanding of publicity based on the mastery of language and communication. Marх’s sustained division of labor on productive and unproductive, where the last isn’t able to create surplus value, gets the new conceptualization in the frame of post-operaist theory. Contemporary communicative capitalism has shown that the intellectual worker-virtuoso can make surplus value in the frame of cultural industry development, the «life» labor serves the capital in such situation. But, at the same time, the virtuoso linguistic activity as the basis of nonmaterial economy can become the foundation for the new types of democracy, which differ from the project of neoliberal democracy, where labor gets the characteristics of political action and receives the autonomy from capital. The concept of labor as virtuoso political action based on the idea of interactive and communicative foundation of politics which can to create the new space of publicity using the communicative technologies. These technologies empower the realization of participatory democratic processes for the citizens in the frame of political life and provide type of political interaction which sets out the continuity of the process of production of common knowledge, ideas, communications, relationships and finance as the basis for the new type of democracy. All of that promote the manifestation of communist (production of «common») tendencies in cooperative functioning of knowledge, communication and capital.

ВНУТРИЛИЧНОСТНЫЙ КОНСТРУКТИВНЫЙ КОНФЛИКТ

This article reveals the relevance of the study of intrapersonal constructive conflicts, as well as the essence of the socio-psychological approach to understanding this type of conflict. It analyzes the difficulties that occur in defining the concept and structure of intrapersonal constructive conflicts. This type of conflict is associated with a positive model of success, career growth, and personal development. If an intrapersonal constructive conflict, its positive model is associated with an honest model of success, career and development, rather than a deformed one, then we can talk about success, career and development. The value of conflicts is related to their role in professional activities in science, medicine, judicial practice, sports, etc. Indeed, truth is born in a dispute, i.e. in the course of constructive conflicts. It is impossible to imagine scientific activity outside of discussions, discussions, and opposition. Constructive conflicts help to make a diagnosis during medical consultations, prove the truth in court competitions, and set records in sports competitions. It is not by chance that the most important task is to create a full-fledged theory of intrapersonal constructive conflicts. Without this, it is impossible to talk about effective settlement and resolution of social conflicts. The theory of intrapersonal constructive conflicts is an integral part of social conflictology. There is still a lot of work to be done, both in theory and in application, for its full implementation. At present, there is an urgent need to develop conflict-related competence not only for professionals, but also for various groups of the population.

ВЫРАЖЕНИЕ РИСК-РЕФЛЕКСИЙ ЧЕРЕЗ ФОРМИРОВАНИЕ ДИСКУРСА ВРАЖДЫ В МЕДИАСФЕРЕ

In this article, the authors presented a modern point of view on the essence of the discourse of hostility in media and its influence on the formation of the negative type of image of certain social groups. The problem of using information distribution systems and communication technologies to implement a policy of installing of hostility allows us to state the relevance of research in this area. Recently, the model of confrontation and antagonism, “drawing demarcation lines” has gained significant popularity, making aggressive rhetoric the norm of social reality. All those aspects lead to negative changes in the interaction of individuals and social groups. Enmity in this case can materialize in entire propaganda campaigns to demonize various objectionable and dehumanize on a certain basis. Modern history has many relevant examples of artificial incorporation of the idea of enmity through the media, which is often transformed in reality into open protests, riots, and the articulation of hatred. Under the discourse of enmity, we will understand a special type of communication relations, through which individuals or groups are in the process of a long and purposeful confrontation with the subsequent destructive and negative result. This study attempts to analyze the role of the media as an agent and operator of incorporating the discourse of hostility. The authors concluded that the discursive practices of hostility present in the modern media space always correspond to the current, current political and social context by their results. As a result, we can say that their conflict potential is very high, which can manifest itself in the aggravation of contradictions between interest groups, both settled and unsettled.