scholarly journals Construcción discursiva multimodal sobre la educación de los dos candidatos presidenciales más votados en las elecciones de Chile 2017

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-112
Author(s):  
Patricia Baeza Duffy ◽  
Liliana Vásquez-Rocca ◽  
Dominique Manghi H.

This paper aims to characterize the discursive construction of two Chilean presidential candidates of 2017 on education, from an intersubjective, multimodal and critical perspective, which integrates the multimodal discourse analysis, the appraisal model, and the critical discourse studies. The methodology is qualitative. The corpus is made up of the programs and television networks of the two Chilean presidential candidates. The analysis was developed in two stages, one descriptive and the other interpretive-integrative. After the analysis, the results showed that the construction of meanings is carried out through intersemiotic evaluative prosodies, in which predominate appreciations, and to a lesser extent, judgments and affects. These evaluative prosodies shape strategies of legitimization and delegitimization: discredit and concealment in Piñera and alignment in Guillier. In this way, Piñera perpetuates the status quo of market logic in education, while Guillier uses the macro-strategy of transforming that status quo. The use of perpetuation macrostrategies by Piñera, has had profound social implications in Chilean society since the discursive construction of the aforementioned politician responds to a neoliberal model that is characterized by the application of the principles that come from private companies that enter in tension with inclusive education as they encourage selection and segregation rather than inclusion.

Resonance ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 264-280
Author(s):  
John Vilanova

This research explores a set of sound technologies deployed during the 2011 Occupy Wall Street protests in New York City’s Zuccotti Park. It examines the People’s Microphone, the Long Range Acoustic Device (LRAD) sound cannon, the drum circle, and the noise complaint. Deepening understandings of their places within the contemporary urban soundscape and their use during the protests, it uses historical research, textual analysis, and qualitative discourse analysis methods to explore the technologies within a larger framework of the city’s discourses around (in)appropriate sound and action. Its findings suggest that each individual technology was evidence for the nature of its user in a way that presaged how the conflict would play out. The microphone epitomized the ideology (and fragility) of the hyper-democratic Occupiers’ ethos. The LRAD suggested the state’s superlative sonic capability and its “monopoly on the legitimate use of noise.” And the drum circles and noise complaints that followed ultimately showed the ways “noise-making” is better understood as a discursive construction that delegitimizes sound. Together, they suggest the ways the hegemonic soundscape serves the status quo. The essay also elaborates a taxonomy of sonic terms, specifically exploring volume, amplification, and noise-making as terms that explain the dynamics of sound during protest. It offers scholars of media activism a toolkit for sound studies that gets at the dynamics and structures of sonic power and explores the way sound-making is a key battleground of modernity. Sound conventions are a way that contemporary society is codified, legislated, and contested.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 733-751
Author(s):  
Tamara J. Lynn ◽  
L. Susan Williams

This paper demonstrates how print media sources frame the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street in ways that, consciously or not, support the prevailing status quo – social, economic, and political elites. The study employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) as the analytic framework, investigating how print media (sometimes referred to as ‘print capitalism’) utilized framing techniques that disparaged the two political organizations but in very different ways. The analysis incorporates articles appearing in the New York Post and the New York Times from the inception of each organization, through six weeks after the 2012 Presidential Inauguration; articles were coded to uncover themes that defined both organizations as ‘outsiders.’ Tea Partiers are characterized as irrational demagogues, while Occupy Wall Street (OWS) activities are criminalized; both are dismissed as irrelevant, leaving the predominant ‘mainstream’ political rule intact. Findings identify tools of discourse used by media to limit the influence of competing movements while essentially protecting the status quo. Revealing these tools provides clues to unreliable discourse in media coverage of presidential candidates, which tends to quash open debate and threaten principles of participatory government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmed Abdel-Raheem

Abstract This paper is meant to give an account of multimodal (im)politeness in political cartoons, drawing primarily on critical discourse studies (CDS) (in particular, Teun van Dijk’s notion of “context models” and Paul Chilton’s concept of “critical discourse moments”), blending theory (Fauconnier and Turner 2002), and speech act theory (especially Geoffrey Leech’s most recent revisions of Penelope Brown and Stephen C. Levinson’s notions of negative and positive face). There is of course an abundant literature on blending theory, but the potential of this theory for analysing face-enhancing or face-threatening multimodal discourse has not been fully realised. It is shown that political cartoons can exemplify not only face attack but also face enhancement, and that blending theory can contribute to the comprehending and critique of sociopolitical action or linguistic and nonlinguistic forms of control that may operate in the world. The article thus demonstrates the value that results from merging critical cognitive linguistics and sociopragmatics.


Author(s):  
Veronika Koller

This chapter looks at how sexuality, including sexual identity, has been addressed in critical discourse studies. It will first review previous work (e.g., Marko 2008; Morrish and Sauntson 2011) and point out the relative lack of relevant studies in this area, given that research into language and sexuality is mostly indebted to anthropology, sociolinguistics, and conversation analysis. Building on queer discourse studies (Motschenbacher and Stegu 2013), the chapter suggests a way of critically analyzing discourses on sexuality, where discourse is defined as textually mediated social action, with text producers utilizing linguistic resources and sociocognitive representations to establish, maintain, or challenge power relations. Critical discourse studies combine the description of linguistic features with their interpretation and explanation in context and ultimately make transparent the way in which language and discourse either construct and reinforce, or challenge and subvert, normativity. The chapter closes with an illustrative example of the discursive construction of lesbian identities.


Significance Since 2017, Trump has made waves in foreign and domestic policy, not least due to his preparedness seemingly to overturn the status quo on a whim. However, his administration is treading policy and political ground in familiar ways. Impacts If Trump’s political fortunes decline, he could face a Republican challenger for the presidential nomination. For 2020, Republicans will try to regain suburban, minority and female voters. Democratic presidential candidates are starting to declare: Republicans will begin campaign intelligence and push-back work.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 (247) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lara Ryazanova-Clarke

AbstractCouched in the critical discourse studies perspective and developing the notion of political imaginary, this article explores the imaginaries of the transnational integration project of the Eurasian Union that are produced in elite discourses in its two key states, Russia and Kazakhstan. The corpus used comprises transcripts of the two states’ parliamentary discussions and speeches by presidents Putin and Nazarbaev. The article focuses on meaning construction through the discursive types, strategies, and topoi employed in the discourses of the new Union, and the linguistic forms called upon for their articulation. Two discursive strands narrating the Eurasian Union are singled out – the


2021 ◽  
Vol 9s1 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Juliet Thondhlana ◽  
Evelyn Chiyevo Garwe

Africa is recognised as the cradle of humankind with a proven record of creativity and innovation as evidenced by its great empires and kingdoms. It is thus an enigma that currently Africa contributes only 2% to global knowledge production, a situation that is widely believed to account for its underdevelopment. Even though scholarly disagreement cuts very deep here, it is mostly due to the reasons of the status quo rather than to disputing the poor showing of Africa in global knowledge production. The high quality of articles presented in this supplementary issue showcases our conviction that Africa can indeed shake off historical stigmas and reposition itself as a giant in knowledge production. This editorial introduces the contributions in the issue which interrogates the status quo and explores ways in which knowledge production can be enhanced. Three key thematic approaches are presented: a decolonial approach to legitimising African knowledge based on its needs, culture, and heritage; development of robust knowledge production and quality assurance institutions; and inclusive education and knowledge production.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (6) ◽  
pp. 915-937
Author(s):  
Seyyed-Abdolhamid Mirhosseini ◽  
Mahdieh Noori

Abstract This article investigates the image portrayed of Islam and Muslims in official speeches of the former US President, Barack Obama during his two terms in office. Applying qualitative data coding procedures and based on a Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) approach, we examine 377 speeches delivered in the period of 2009–2016 within the macro context of US involvements in contemporary international politics to uncover the discursive image of Islam and Islamic attributes projected and subtly reproduced over time by Obama during his presidency. The outcome comprises four major themes shaped around the notions of America’s fundamental values; Dialogue with Muslim communities; Defining good Islam; and Defining bad Muslims. Through a detailed discussion of the discursive construction of these themes and specifically referring to their lexical highlights, we illustrate aspects of Islam-related issues in the view of an American president.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 706-730 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seyyed-Abdolhamid Mirhosseini

Abstract This article explores legitimacy-building in United States President’s 2013 Address to the Nation on Syria. Based on a slightly modified version of Theo van Leeuwen’s (2008) model of the discursive construction of legitimation and with a view of the war in Syria as the super-macro context of the Address, the investigation illustrates how the speech attempts to legitimate the prospect of a direct American military engagement in Syria on the one hand, and to justify avoiding another war that may prove too costly, on the other. Through the illustration of such double-legitimation discursive practices, the study portrays how critical discourse studies can provide the ground for awareness of a delicate aspect of the discourse of politics and the rhetoric of politicians in shaping public consent and projecting an always-legitimate image of even contradictory political positions, decisions, and actions.


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