scholarly journals The Literary Sources of the Secular Solo Songs by Henry Purcell in the Context of the Poetic Culture of England in the 17th Century

Author(s):  
Natalia V. Duda ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 235-252
Author(s):  
Dennis Halft

In Muslim polemical writings on the Bible written in Arabic, scriptural quotations frequently appear in Arabic transcription of the original Hebrew. This phenomenon also occurs in the Persian refutations of Christianity by the 11th/17th-century Shīʿī scholar Sayyed Aḥmad ʿAlavī. The adduced biblical materials, however, vary significantly depending on the particular manuscript or recension. Nevertheless, they reflect the common repertoire of scriptural verses invoked by Muslim authors. In contrast to Henry Corbin, who argued on the basis of the Hebrew verses transcribed in Arabic characters that ʿAlavī was a Hebraist and directly acquainted with the Jewish Scriptures, it is suggested here that the Shīʿī scholar relied instead on lists of biblical “testimonies” to Muḥammad. Although ʿAlavī’s literary sources are as yet unknown due to a lack of research, there is evidence from the manuscripts dating from ʿAlavī’s lifetime that he copied the transcribed Bible quotations from earlier Muslim writings.


Author(s):  
А.П. Богданов

В статье показано, что мотивация сербскими монахами в 1650 г. сожжения славянских книг на Афоне путем обращения к литературному источнику о негативном отношении греков к славянской письменности связана со сходством ситуаций середины XVII в. и времени Кирилла и Мефодия. Арсений Суханов, прекрасно зная литературные источники, не выдумал этот текст в публицистическом сочинении, каким представлялись в историографии его «Прения с греками о вере». Он изложил реальные обстоятельства дела в своем посольском отчете, где указанные сербами, русином и даже арабским иноком мотивы греков не играли существенной роли. Отчет, явивший нам пример русского и сербского книжного единства, превратился в публицистический памятник много лет спустя, в связи с Расколом Русской Церкви. The article shows that motivation ascribed by Serbian monks in 1650 to the fact of burning Slavic books on Mount Athos by referring to literary source about negative attitude of Greeks to Slavic booklore is associated with similarity of the situation of the middle of 17th century and of the time of Cyril and Methodius. Arseny Sukhanov, who had a good command of the Slavs literary sources, did not invent this text in a pamphlet, as his «Debate with the Greeks about Faith» was often presented in historiography. He described real circumstances of the case in his ambassadorial report, where motives of Greeks, indicated by Serbs, Rusin and even Arab monk, did not play a significant role. The report, which provided us with an interesting example of shared Russian and Serbian literary tradition, turned into a pamphlet many years later, in connection with the Schism of the Russian Church.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-90
Author(s):  
Sulev Nurme

AbstractNot much is known about the 17th-century Estonian and Livonian landscape architecture. Most of the information is based on the descriptions found in historical archival and literary sources and on some of the well-known engravings. According to these, a common idea of that era's landscape architecture is that it was humble in scale and design, and was similar to the practice of late-medieval times when there was no space or ambition to grow woody plants in small gardens of castles. But when diving into the Swedish manor plans dating back to the last decades of the 17th century, it can be noted that the layouts of manorial hearts are inherent to the spatial design of early baroque, which is characterized by a landscape that has strongly been redesigned and includes a decorative garden, kitchen garden and a park. This article focuses on the spatial composition of Estonian and Livonian manor parks of the second half of the 17th century and observes the role of trees and their use in these landscapes. This article is based on the results of a study about the planning of baroque manor hearts Understanding the Role of 18th Century Estonian Manor Ensembles in Contemporary Planning and Conservation (Eesti 18. sajandi mõisaansamblid 21. sajandi maastikuplaneerimises: avastamine, mõistmine, tõlgendamine) which was carried out by the author of this article. The map analysis results deal with the spatial structure of manor ensembles and the observations made during the analysis. The article examines the possible ways of using woody plants in 17th-century Estonian manors while looking at the manor ensemble as an architectonic of early baroque. Based on the research results it can be said that by the last decades of the 17th century the wealthiest manors had already built manor hearts with a modest but a clearly baroque style layout which is characterized by a regular and symmetrical ensemble core, a garden axially connected to the main building and avenues heading into the landscape. This type of approach enables to broaden the common conception of the era's garden and park architecture in the manor hearts of Estonia and Livonia. Based on what is highlighted in the article it can be said that the tradition and practice of garden art that has shaped the image of Estonian landscape had already been developed by the end of the 17th century.


1987 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hessel Miedema

AbstractThis article is a report on research undertaken in 1984-5 by a working group of art history students of the University of Amsterdam into the problem of the emancipation of artists f rom the craft guilds (Note 1). The research was based on Hoogewerff's excellently documented book on the Guilds of St. Luke and on published source material. The idea that artists and especially painters regarded the guilds as oppressive is a deeply rooted one (Note 2) and people are all too readily inclined to write of 'the artists' gaining their emancipation' from the Guilds of St. Luke. However, it is now clear that professional painters covered such a wide social spectrum that it is impossible to lump them all together under a single heading (Note 5), while a provisional investigation mainly, focussed on the first half of the 17th century even suggested that there could have been no question at all of emancipation. It became clear that the guilds continued to function all over the Northern Netherlands in the 17th century as Protectors of the profession, that there was no evidence of their hampering artistry and that if there was any emancipation, it took place within the guild itself. A factor that makes such research difficult is that the literary sources are by no means unambiguous or even reliable. In contrast to the meaning current in their day qf someone who does something with paint and a brush, Vasari and Van Mander used the term 'painter' only for those who painted scenes and portraits, not, for example, for those who did banners or ornamental work (Notes 7,8). Thus Van Mander's freguently cited tirade against the guild (Note 9) loses much of its force in respect of the emancipation theory. Moreover, it is the only text of that type in the Netherlands. Houbraken twisted the facts to fit his vision of the artist, projecting his idea of the artist's superiority on to the historical situation (Note II). Thus this study moved between two poles : on the one hand it again confirmed (Note 12) that the guilds continued to function until late in the 18th century, while on the other there was a growing need among their more successful members for an enhanced status and regard, which manifested itself in their assuming control of the guild and restructuring it more clearly and also in their uniting in additional groupings, in which the emphasis was laid on more intellectual and theoretical, aspects and links were sought with amateurs. Although both these moves could be regarded as a certain form of emancipation, neither can be ascribed to an urge for artistic freedom which was hampered by the guilds.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-392
Author(s):  
Alexey A. Panov ◽  
◽  
Ivan V. Rosanoff ◽  

The article deals with the problems of interpreting English ornaments (embellishments, graces) of the second half of the 17th century in the process of their evolution. The authors consistently analyze the recommendations of the early English musicians Edward Bevin, Christopher Simpson, Matthew Locke, John Playford, and Henry Purcell. Emphasis in this study is allotted to the first ever published in England full table of ornaments with their execution written by Christopher Simpson in his The Division-Violist (London, 1659). Detailed consideration here is given to the ornament named “Shaked Beat”. It should be noted that the first full table “Marques des Agréments et leur signification” in France was enclosed only in D’Anglebert’s Pièces de Clavecin (c1689). For comparison, recommendations of the performance of ornaments are provided by some Italian, German and French composers and theorists of this time, such as Emilio del Cavalieri, Guillaume-Gabriel Nivers, Jean Rousseau, Gilles Jullien, Étienne Loulié and Johann Gottfried Walther. A critical revision of scholarly publications on the problems of this study beginning from Edward Dannreuther and Arnold Dolmetsch to the present time has been carried out. Serious inaccuracies were found in the works of modern researchers and in reference and encyclopedic publications, including The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians and Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 137-173
Author(s):  
Eglė Žilinskaitė-Šinkūnienė

The paper aims to investigate the historical usage of two local cases, namely the Allative and the Adessive, governed by verba dicendi in Old Lithuanian. In Mikalojus Daukša’s Postil (1599) the Allative occurs with verbs of address and denotes the Addressee as a Goal of a verbal act. The Adessive, however, is governed by predicates of request and conveys the Source of a desired item. To verify whether this is part of Daukša’s idiolect or a general feature of Lithuanian at the beginning of its written period, the data from DP are compared to the texts of two other varieties of written Lithuanian of the 16th–17th century: Jonas Bretkūnas’ Postil (1591) and Konstantinas Sirvydas’ Punktay sakimu (two parts, 1629 and 1644). In order to explain the motivation for this usage, dialectal and typological data are used.  


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-196
Author(s):  
Sacha Alsancakli

In the closing decades of the 11th/17th century, two Turkish translations of the Sharafnāma were produced in the Kurdish princely courts of Bidlīs and Pālū. The translators were Muḥammad Bēg b. Aḥmad Bēg, a great-great-grandson of Sharaf Khān II, the author of the work, and Sham‘ī, a secretary at the court of Amīr Yanṣūr Bēg, prince of Pālū. While their works differed in style and purpose, both men offered a reflection on the demise of Persian and increasing prestige of Turkish in Ottoman Kurdistan. In the case of Sham‘ī, this was supplemented by a more general observation on the various languages of the region. Evidence also suggests that while Persian was replaced by Turkish in the princely courts of Ottoman Kurdistan, some Kurdish literati and scholars instead chose to write part of their works in Kurdish. This article is a comparative study of Muḥammad Bēg and Sham‘ī’s translations, followed by a brief analysis of the associated sociolinguistic developments. ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIDîroknivîsî û ziman di Kurdistana Osmanî ya sedsala 17an de: Vekolînek li ser du wergerên tirkî yên ŞerefnameyêDi dehsalên dawî yên sedsala 11an/17an de, du wergerên tirkî yên Şerefnameyê li serayên mîrgehên Bidlîs û Palûyê hatin nivîsandin. Wergêrên van metnan Mihemed Beg kurê Ehmed Beg, kurê nevîçirkekî Şeref Xanê duyem ê nivîskarê berhemê yê eslî, û Şem’î, munşiyekî Emîr Yensûr Begê mîrê Palûyê bûn. Tevî ku armanc û şêweyê karên wan cuda bûn jî, herdu wergêran amaje bi lawazketina zimanê farsî û bilindbûna qîmeta zimanê tirkî li Kurdistana Osmanî kir. Li gel vê yekê, Şem’î herwiha nêrîneke giştî li ser zimanên cihê yên herêmê pêşkêş kir. Wekî din, tevî ku tirkî li serayên mîrên Kurdistana Osmanî dewsa farsî girt, hin zanyar û rewşenbîrên kurd tercîh kir ku beşek ji berhemên xwe bi kurdî binivîsînin. Ev gotar nirxandineke berhevdayî ya wergerên Şem’î û Mihemed Beg e, li gel pêdeçûneke kurt li ser pêşketinên civakî-zimanî yên pê ve girêdayî. ABSTRACT IN SORANIMêjûnûsî w ziman le Kurdistanî 'Usmanîy sedey 17hem da: twêjîneweyek bo dû wergêrranî turkîy ŞerefnameLe duwa deyekanî sedey 11hem/17hem da dû wergêrranî turkîy Şerefname le dîwanî mîrayetîy Bedlîs û Pallû berhem hatin. Wergêrrêkîyan Miḧemed begî kurrî Eḧmed beg bû, ke newey newey nûserî xudî berhemeke, wate Şerefxanî dûweme, wergêrrekey tirîş Şem'î, sikritêr le koşkî mîr Yensûr beg mîrî Pallû bû. Le katêk da karekanyan le rûy stayl û amancewe cuda bûn, herdû piyawekan amajey lawazbûnî zimanî farsî û hellkişanî payey zimanî turkî le kurdistanî 'Usmanî xiste rû. Le ḧalletî Şem'î da, eme be têrwanînêkî giştî ziyatir le merr zimanekanî herêmeke tewaw kira. Bellgekan ewe pêşniyar deken ke le katêk da le dîwanî mîrayetîy Kurdistanî 'Usmanî da zimanî farsî be zimanî turkî cêgay degorêtewe, hendêk le roşinbîr û zana kurdekan eweyan hellbijard ke beşêk le karekanyan be kurdî binûsinewe. Em babete twêjîneweyekî berawirdkarîye bo herdû wergêrranekeyi Miḧemed beg û Şem'î, we kurte hellsengandinêkî peywest bew geşesendine komellayetî-zimanewaniyey be duwa da dêt.


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