Education Reform in Nordrhein-Westfalen in the 1960s and 1970s: A Study on the Development of School System Reform

2019 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 37-71
Author(s):  
Jae-Ho Choi
2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatiana M. F. Cruz

Like African Americans, Latinos struggled to navigate Boston’s segregated, inequitable school system during the 1960s and 1970s. Latino children confronted many obstacles including language barriers, inadequate teaching and counseling, dilapidated buildings and overcrowded classrooms, limited curriculums, and severe shortages of materials. They also endured hostility and violence from their peers, dropped out at alarmingly high rates, and were systematically excluded from school for a host of reasons. Despite a rich history of Latino organizing around these issues, Boston’s historical narrative and “busing crisis” framework furthers a black–white binary that renders Latinos invisible. I disrupt this by recovering the role of Latinos in mobilizations for reform in Boston Public Schools. This essay examines the emergence of the Latino educational movement during the 1960s and 1970s, centered on ideas of community control and the right to bilingual education. I draw attention to the experiences of Latino children with ambiguous racial identities, shedding light on complexities that are often overlooked in dominant black–white desegregation narratives. I highlight the agency of ordinary Latino parent activists who worked strategically in and outside the school system, using numerous tactics in the pursuit of educational justice. I focus particularly on the leading role of working-class Latina mothers, who developed their own educational programs outside of school, petitioned the school system for reform, staged public protests, and sought legal appeals. Though interethnic conflicts and divisions emerged, they did not alter the movement’s primary aims, which remained sharply focused on the protection and expansion of bilingual education.


2010 ◽  
pp. 103-119
Author(s):  
Anna Maria Harbig ◽  

The article presents linguistic theories of the 1960s and 1970s in the USA and Western Europe in the context of foreign language teaching and investigates their reception in Polish glottodidactics. The selected research subject are secondary school curricula for teaching English, French and German. A conclusion drawn on the basis of the analysis of the 1964 and 1966 curricula is that teaching West European languages was influenced by structuralism, British contextualism in particular. The curricula were characterized by a structural-situational approach expressed by the predominance of a spoken language, linguistic models’ situationalism and authenticity (dialogues in everyday life situations), a privileged position of syntax and the use of pattern drill. The analysis of the 1977 curriculum reveals a continuation of previous theoretical assumptions to a great extent. On the other hand, the impact of pragmalinguistics helped to include such issues as learner’s needs, focusing linguistic material on expressing intentions, or paying attention to language register and utterance adequacy, particularly in the context of linguistic errors’ evaluation. Even though the curriculum itself was not implemented into practice due to abandonment of the educational system reform, it formed the basis for works on curriculum in the 1980s. To sum up, it may be claimed that in spite of mostly unfavourable political conditions of the 1960s and 1970s, Polish glottodidactics aimed to maintain a contact with Western linguistics and attempted to transfer linguistic theories formed on its basis into foreign language teaching in Polish schools.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-555 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin M. Flanagan

This article traces Ken Russell's explorations of war and wartime experience over the course of his career. In particular, it argues that Russell's scattered attempts at coming to terms with war, the rise of fascism and memorialisation are best understood in terms of a combination of Russell's own tastes and personal style, wider stylistic and thematic trends in Euro-American cinema during the 1960s and 1970s, and discourses of collective national experience. In addition to identifying Russell's recurrent techniques, this article focuses on how the residual impacts of the First and Second World Wars appear in his favoured genres: literary adaptations and composer biopics. Although the article looks for patterns and similarities in Russell's war output, it differentiates between his First and Second World War films by indicating how he engages with, and temporarily inhabits, the stylistic regime of the enemy within the latter group.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Burton

Brainwashing assumed the proportions of a cultural fantasy during the Cold War period. The article examines the various political, scientific and cultural contexts of brainwashing, and proceeds to a consideration of the place of mind control in British spy dramas made for cinema and television in the 1960s and 1970s. Particular attention is given to the films The Mind Benders (1963) and The Ipcress File (1965), and to the television dramas Man in a Suitcase (1967–8), The Prisoner (1967–8) and Callan (1967–81), which gave expression to the anxieties surrounding thought-control. Attention is given to the scientific background to the representations of brainwashing, and the significance of spy scandals, treasons and treacheries as a distinct context to the appearance of brainwashing on British screens.


2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 294-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chik Collins ◽  
Ian Levitt

This article reports findings of research into the far-reaching plan to ‘modernise’ the Scottish economy, which emerged from the mid-late 1950s and was formally adopted by government in the early 1960s. It shows the growing awareness amongst policy-makers from the mid-1960s as to the profoundly deleterious effects the implementation of the plan was having on Glasgow. By 1971 these effects were understood to be substantial with likely severe consequences for the future. Nonetheless, there was no proportionate adjustment to the regional policy which was creating these understood ‘unwanted’ outcomes, even when such was proposed by the Secretary of State for Scotland. After presenting these findings, the paper offers some consideration as to their relevance to the task of accounting for Glasgow's ‘excess mortality’. It is suggested that regional policy can be seen to have contributed to the accumulation of ‘vulnerabilities’, particularly in Glasgow but also more widely in Scotland, during the 1960s and 1970s, and that the impact of the post-1979 UK government policy agenda on these vulnerabilities is likely to have been salient in the increase in ‘excess mortality’ evident in subsequent years.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.


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