scholarly journals A Pragma-Dialectical Analysis of Chinese Government’s Argumentation: A Case of ‘Comment on Country Report of Human Rights Practice by the U.S. Department of State’

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Jin Ruhua

<p align="LEFT">This paper, adopting pragma-dialectical</p><p align="LEFT">approach, analyses the Chinese government’s</p><p align="LEFT">argumentative discourse in response to the</p><p align="LEFT">accusation of its human rights practices by</p><p align="LEFT">American government, in order to explore the</p><p align="LEFT">former’s argumentation in resistance to</p><p align="LEFT">America’s hegemony. It takes “Comment on</p><p align="LEFT">Country Report of Human Rights Practices by</p><p align="LEFT">the U.S. Department of State”, three pieces of</p><p align="LEFT">official documents issued by Information Office</p><p align="LEFT">of State Council of China (“IOSC”) from 1995 to</p><p align="LEFT">1997, as the research texts. It analyses the</p><p>claim (standpoint), argument (reason), argument</p><p align="LEFT">structure and scheme to find out the</p><p align="LEFT">argumentative strategies of IOSC in these four</p><p align="LEFT">aspects. It was found that: 1) in terms of</p><p align="LEFT">standpoint, IOSC denied the view of U.S. side</p><p align="LEFT">that China had human rights abuses in some</p><p align="LEFT">parts of its Country Report; 2) in terms of</p><p align="LEFT">argument, IOSC mainly provided four types of</p><p align="LEFT">reasons: the U.S. counterpart distorted China’s</p><p align="LEFT">domestic human rights practices in some cases,</p><p align="LEFT">neglected the progress of human rights the</p><p align="LEFT">Chinese government had made, took a blind eye</p><p align="LEFT">to America’s own severe human rights violations,</p><p align="LEFT">and American government’s accusation through</p><p align="LEFT">Country Report was the embodiment of</p><p align="LEFT">hegemony; 3) As to the argument structure, the</p><p align="LEFT">Chinese government adopted non-mixed complex</p><p align="LEFT">argumentation with their various types of</p><p align="LEFT">multiple, coordinate and subordinate structure</p><p align="LEFT">in combination on human rights issue; 4) in</p><p align="LEFT">terms of argument scheme, IOSC mainly adopted</p><p align="LEFT">symptomatic scheme in its discourse. The study</p><p align="LEFT">provides practical values for the improvement</p><p align="LEFT">of a development country’s international human</p><p>rights discourse in the argumentative lens.</p>

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hill

It has been said that the Berlin Wall fell in 1989 but the wall around Greece is still standing. It is ironic that, while the governments of Albania, Bulgaria and Rumania have, in recent years, taken measures to safeguard the rights of national minorities, the Greek government continues to stonewall on its own national minorities while fomenting rebellion among those in other countries. Nevertheless, the end of the Cold War has benefited the Macedonian minority in Greece. Greece has lost its paramount strategic importance for the western countries, which are now less likely to cast a blind eye on human rights abuses in that country. Conditions for the Macedonians in Greece have improved somewhat as individual members of the minority have become emboldened to demand their rights in public in recent years. They have attracted the attention of the U.S. State Department, Amnesty International and the Human Rights Watch/Helsinki Watch, all the more so due to the heavy-handed attempts by the Greek authorities to silence recalcitrant members of the minority, as described below. The U.S. Department of State (1995: Greece 12) notes that the Greek government “continues to harass and intimidate some of these people.”


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 179-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Bodansky

Customary international law often seems like a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma. According to Manley O. Hudson, even the drafters of the International Court of Justice Statute “had no very clear idea as to what constituted international custom.” The situation has not changed much since then.I got my first taste of the difficulties in identifying custom when I was a junior attorney at the U.S. Department of State and was assigned the task of preparing the U.S. submission in a juvenile death penalty case before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. The juvenile death penalty is prohibited by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the American Convention on Human Rights, but the question in the Inter-American Commission case was whether it is also prohibited as a matter of customary international law.


Slavic Review ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelena Subotić

Jelena Subotić explores how the states of the Balkans construct their “autobiographies“—stories about themselves—and how these stories influence their contemporary political choices. By understanding where states’ narratives about themselves—stories of their past, their historical purpose, their role in the international system—come from, we can more fully explain contemporary state behavior that to outsiders may seem irrational, self-defeating, or simply, inexplicable. Subotić specifically addresses ways in which states of the western Balkans have built their state narratives around the issue of human rights. She explores, first, how a particular narrative of state and national identity produced—or made locally comprehensible—massive human rights abuses. She then analyzes why contemporary identity narratives make postconflict human rights policies very difficult to institutionalize. The article focuses specifically on the human rights discourse, practices, and debates in Serbia and Croatia.


2007 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
MIRANDA ALISON

This article examines wartime sexual violence, one of the most recurring wartime human rights abuses. It asserts that our theorisations need further development, particularly in regard to the way that masculinities and the intersections with constructions of ethnicity feature in wartime sexual violence. The article also argues that although women and girls are the predominant victims of sexual violence and men and boys the predominant agents, we must also be able to account for the presence of male victims and female agents. This, however, engenders a problem; much of the women’s human rights discourse and existing international mechanisms for addressing wartime sexual violence tend to reify the male-perpetrator/female-victim paradigm. This is a problem which feminist human rights theorists and activists need to address.


2021 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-318
Author(s):  
Tom Ruys

On December 7, 2020, the Council of the European Union adopted two legal instruments, Council Decision (CFSP) 2020/1999 and Council Regulation (EU) 2020/1998, which together make up the new EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime (EUGHRSR). Similar to the U.S. “Global Magnitsky Act,” and in contrast with the EU's existing country-specific sanctions regimes, the EUGHRSR seeks to address human rights abuses worldwide, by providing for the imposition of travel bans as well as financial sanctions on individual human rights offenders—state and non-state alike. The list of designated (natural and legal) persons will be reviewed on a periodic basis.


Author(s):  
Trinh T. Minh-ha

This chapter examines not only the unrest in Tibet but also that among China's civil society. It explores social media as a platform for speaking out against the human rights abuses, as well as the limitations of social media given the Chinese government's attempts at censoring these platforms on the matter of Tibet—an act that shares similarities with the U.S. government's own attempts at information surveillance and control as depicted in the previous chapters. The chapter then turns to Chinese civil society at large, as well as the emerging socio-political significance of the legal profession as China's rule of law consistently comes under public scrutiny.


2018 ◽  
pp. 99-125
Author(s):  
Carl Lindskoog

Chapter 5 examines the government’s first detention camp at the U.S naval base in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and the experience of the Haitian refugees—the original Guantanamo detainees—held there from 1991 to 1994. An important part of this history also involves the government’s detention of HIV-positive Haitians in the world’s first and only “HIV prison camp.” Examining the political and legal challenges to the government’s use of off-shore detention at Guantanamo, this chapter illuminates the history of the legal struggle over the government’s authority to detain in such extraterritorial facilities and debates over how far the U.S. Constitution might reach beyond the United States’ territorial boundaries, and when exercising the U.S. Constitution can lead to human rights abuses.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 107 ◽  
pp. 36-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicola Jägers ◽  
Katinka Jesse ◽  
Jonathan Verschuuren

The U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co. limits the potential of the Alien Tort Statute (ATS) as a means of legal redress for victims of human rights abuses caused by transnational companies. Interestingly enough, almost simultaneously with the Kiobel decision by the U.S. Supreme Court, a Dutch court issued its rulings in five cases concerning Nigerian individuals, supported by a Dutch environmental nongovernmental organization (NGO), in their claims against Royal Dutch Shell (RDS), headquartered in the Netherlands, and its Nigerian subsidiary, Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria, Ltd. (SPDC). These cases relate to oil spills for which the plaintiffs believed Shell should be held liable.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-32
Author(s):  
Rosemary Foot

Abstract There has been a lack of recourse to the language of ‘The Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) in respect of reports that the Chinese government is perpetrating mass atrocity crimes against the Muslim minorities that reside in Xinjiang. What does this suggest about the overall normative power of R2P, and is the neglect of R2P reflective of a more general weakening in provisions designed to deal with wide-scale human rights abuses?


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