Chinese Narratives of "National Humiliation" and Japan's Role in the Construction of China's National Identity, 1915 to the early 2000s

<p>The sense of national humiliation in China derives from a huge psychological gap between a glorious Empire and a peripheral nation-state which invaded by foreign imperialists in the 19th century and the early 20th century. This gap let Chinese people tend to define the period from 1840s to 1940s as the “Century of National Humiliation”. Although, Chinese people suffer a lot during this “Century”, direct experience and the meaning attached it are not the same. Apart from history itself, this thesis argues that narratives of national humiliation are significant in constructing China’s national identity. In this sense, it will focus on China’s humiliation narratives in different periods, and try to find out what kind of role Japan plays in the construction of China’s national identity. In the first place, this thesis will focus on the narratives of humiliation/victim in different periods of China since its popularization in 1915, and try to give a comprehensive picture of the origin and evolution of this narrative. More specifically, it will examine Chinese humiliation narratives in the following three main periods chronologically: the origins and evolution of “national humiliation” in the pre-1949 era, the absence of “national humiliation” from the 1950s to the 1980s, and the reinvention of “national humiliation” in the post-1989 era. It argues that the narratives of the national past help construct China’s identities in different periods with different meanings. In the second place, this thesis examines not only the discourse of humiliation per se, but also the role that Japan assumes in both victim narratives and the none-victim narratives, and will utilize a social “self/other” approach to analyze Japan’s role in the construction of Chinese national identity. Overall, looking back on Chinese humiliation narratives in three main periods, this thesis concludes that China's national humiliation discourse is an integral part of the shaping of national identity and Japan plays an important role in this process. It also finds out that there is no certain consistency in the interpretations of the national humiliation throughout the last 100 years in China. The national humiliation discourse had once disappeared in China during Mao’s era from 1950s to 1980s. However, whether humiliation discourse dominants Chinese civil society or not, the ruling governments always play an essential role in shaping the nation’s identity. Besides, Japan has been an indispensable “other” in China’s construction of national identity. The popularization and intensification of humiliation discourse in China have always associated with anti-Japanese sentiments. Therefore, in Chinese context, Japan always assumes the role as an “enemy” when the humiliation/victim narrative dominates the civil society.</p>

Chinese Narratives of "National Humiliation" and Japan's Role in the Construction of China's National Identity, 1915 to the early 2000s

<p>The sense of national humiliation in China derives from a huge psychological gap between a glorious Empire and a peripheral nation-state which invaded by foreign imperialists in the 19th century and the early 20th century. This gap let Chinese people tend to define the period from 1840s to 1940s as the “Century of National Humiliation”. Although, Chinese people suffer a lot during this “Century”, direct experience and the meaning attached it are not the same. Apart from history itself, this thesis argues that narratives of national humiliation are significant in constructing China’s national identity. In this sense, it will focus on China’s humiliation narratives in different periods, and try to find out what kind of role Japan plays in the construction of China’s national identity. In the first place, this thesis will focus on the narratives of humiliation/victim in different periods of China since its popularization in 1915, and try to give a comprehensive picture of the origin and evolution of this narrative. More specifically, it will examine Chinese humiliation narratives in the following three main periods chronologically: the origins and evolution of “national humiliation” in the pre-1949 era, the absence of “national humiliation” from the 1950s to the 1980s, and the reinvention of “national humiliation” in the post-1989 era. It argues that the narratives of the national past help construct China’s identities in different periods with different meanings. In the second place, this thesis examines not only the discourse of humiliation per se, but also the role that Japan assumes in both victim narratives and the none-victim narratives, and will utilize a social “self/other” approach to analyze Japan’s role in the construction of Chinese national identity. Overall, looking back on Chinese humiliation narratives in three main periods, this thesis concludes that China's national humiliation discourse is an integral part of the shaping of national identity and Japan plays an important role in this process. It also finds out that there is no certain consistency in the interpretations of the national humiliation throughout the last 100 years in China. The national humiliation discourse had once disappeared in China during Mao’s era from 1950s to 1980s. However, whether humiliation discourse dominants Chinese civil society or not, the ruling governments always play an essential role in shaping the nation’s identity. Besides, Japan has been an indispensable “other” in China’s construction of national identity. The popularization and intensification of humiliation discourse in China have always associated with anti-Japanese sentiments. Therefore, in Chinese context, Japan always assumes the role as an “enemy” when the humiliation/victim narrative dominates the civil society.</p>

Personality Rights in China’s New Civil Code: A Response to Increasing Awareness of Rights in an Era of Evolving Technology

This article explores and assesses the significance of the adoption of a separate part (or, book 编) on personality rights in China’s new Civil Code. We argue that there are profound socioeconomic meanings underlying the technical changes in the classic structure of the civil codes in civil law tradition. On one hand, the stand-alone part on personality rights is the fruit and embodiment of the rising rights consciousness of personality in Chinese civil society, which has been largely unexplored in existing China studies. On the other hand, the part provides a new legislative model to comprehensively tackle the pervasive technological challenges to the protection of personal spheres, which is entangled with the rising rights consciousness over personality in China. Yet, the robustness of the acknowledgment of personality rights in this special part in promoting the protection of such rights remains to be tested in future court judgments.

Marketization and Its Discontents: Unveiling the Impacts of Foundation-led Venture Philanthropy on Grassroots NGOs in China

Although the Chinese state has an outsized influence on shaping civil society in China, extant literature has generally overlooked the increasing role of the market in its non-governmental organization (NGO) development. This paper examines the marketization of Chinese civil society through an ethnographic investigation of funding relationships between domestic Chinese philanthropic foundations and grassroots NGOs. Two case studies of foundation venture philanthropy projects show that businesspeople, through their intensive involvement in foundation-led funding programmes, are introducing strong market influences to the non-profit sector. Notwithstanding the attraction of foundation funding, many NGOs decry the negative side effects of non-profit marketization. We argue that NGOs in this context risk being transformed into social product providers and resource-chasing machines, detracting from the self-directed social missions that many NGO leaders see as their original calling. These observations on emergent NGO–foundation relationships also reflect participants’ increasing uncertainty about the direction of Chinese civil society development.

How the ideology of ‘quality’ protects civil society in Xi Jinping’s China

Under Xi Jinping, the Chinese state has asserted authoritarian control over many aspects of civil society. Yet there is evidence that Chinese citizens are continuing to mobilize and organize with relative levels of success. This article examines one mechanism that prevents the Chinese state from eliminating civil society: the political ideology of suzhi (素质), translated as ‘quality’ in English. In the post-Mao era, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has increasingly invested its political legitimacy in its ability to deliver a rising quality of life to its citizens. This dynamic means that it is possible for Chinese citizens to mobilize and organize to achieve their goals. Suzhi ideology gives citizens one set of means to effectively limit undesirable behaviour by the state. It also provides citizens with leverage to make the state respond robustly to their needs and desires. It opens up possibilities for citizens to solve social problems on their own, without recourse to state actors. This article will examine four arenas of Chinese civil society which suzhi ideology protects under the Xi regime: media-inspired public outrage; public protests and demonstrations; NGOs as state consultants; and the increased accessibility of litigation.

Will Microblogs Shape China's Civil Society Under President's Xi's Surveillance State?

Western scholars have previously predicted Weibo and social media will provide Chinese netizens with an opportunity to foster its nascent civil society. However, the growing applications of surveillance technologies have challenged this rosy, yet deterministic prediction. This chapter argues that Jürgen Habermas's concept of public sphere is less likely to function properly, given the pervasive applications of surveillance technologies in China, which has fundamentally challenge its many assumptions. Using Habermas's analytical framework that is used to better comprehend the role of social media in Chinese politics, the authors argue that information technologies turn out to deteriorate the formation and maintenance of a public sphere for Chinese civil society. The authors employ a case study to examine the interrelations among social media, surveillance technologies, civil society, state power, economic development, political process, and democratization in China as demonstrated in Hong Kong's Anti-Extradition Law Protests.

Re-theorizing civil society in China: Agency and the discursive politics of civil society engagement

Scholarship on Chinese civil society has produced rich empirical studies, but there have been few attempts to theorize the empirical knowledge acquired. Moreover, the question of how to conceptualize the political agency of civil society in a non-democratic context has received limited systematic attention. In this conceptual article, we draw on a discursive approach to politics to analyse the political agency of Chinese civil society. Our analysis is based on synthesizing insights gained through three separate research projects. We propose a conceptual framework which focuses on how civil society actors position themselves within a structured political space, how they represent social groups and issues through advocacy, how they care for these groups, and how they engage in processes of identity formation. Taken together, these four modalities constitute a framework for analysing the different political dimensions of civil society agency.

International ENGOs in China: a Significant Presence and a Fast-Changing Reality

<p align="LEFT"> </p><p> </p><p>Received:</p><p>Revised:</p><p>Accepted:</p><em></em><p><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;"><em>Sinologia Hispanica</em></span></span><span style="font-size: xx-small;">, </span><em><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;">China Studies Review,</span></span></em></p><em></em><p>5, 2 (2017), pp. 113-148</p><p>September 2017</p><p>November 2017</p><p>Devember 2017</p><p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">The paper examines the impact that international ENGOs have had on Chinese environment situation and the implication of the Law of People’s Republic of China on the Administration of the Activities of Overseas Nongovernmental Organisations in Mainland China. </span><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS,Trebuchet MS; font-size: xx-small;">Based on the review of historical profile </span></span><span style="font-size: xx-small;">of NGOs and their enhanced role within the international politics, the paper analyzes China’s leadership evolutionary behaviour in international climate change conferences and investigates the international ENGOs’ current status, strategies and projects in China. The paper argues that international ENGOs have had a positive, even if limited, impact in protecting Chinese environment and in supporting Chinese civil society to emerge and strengthening the public participation and awareness. It also argues that, the implementation of the new law certainly puts international NGOs under higher scrutiny; however, further implications are, to date, only partially predictable.</span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"> </p>