scholarly journals Concepts of “nation-building” by F. Fukuyama and R. Cooper and their importance for modern practice of nation-building

Author(s):  
Evgeny A. Chibirkin ◽  

The process of nation-building in modern societies within the framework of national integration is considered in the article from different approaches and taking into consideration analysis and understanding of foreign experience. Special attention is paid to the concepts and views of Francis Fukuyama and Robert Cooper along with their importance for practice of nation-building. An inference is made that today these concepts and attempts to implement them in practice cannot be recognized as perfect and adequate to current challenges of internal and external origins.

Author(s):  
Benno Weiner

This introductory chapter explains that the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) goal in 1950s Amdo was not just state building but also nation building, which required the construction of narratives and policies capable of convincing Amdo Tibetans of their membership in a wider political community. It argues that Communist Party leaders implicitly understood both the administrative and epistemological obstacles to transforming an expansive, variegated, and vertically organized imperial formation into an integrated, socialist, multinational state. Moreover, the ideological underpinnings of the CCP demanded the active participation of individuals and communities in this new sociopolitical order, albeit in heavily scripted ways and as part of a distinct hierarchy of power. The CCP therefore adopted and adapted imperial strategies of rule, often collectively referred to as the United Front, as means to “gradually,” “voluntarily,” and “organically” bridge the gap between empire and nation. As demonstrated, however, the United Front ultimately lost out to a revolutionary impatience that demanded more immediate paths to national integration and socialist transformation. This led in 1958 to communization, large-scale rebellion, and its brutal pacification. Rather than a voluntary union, Amdo was integrated through the widespread and often indiscriminate use of violence, a violence that lingers in the living memory of Amdo Tibetans and many others.


Author(s):  
Harris Mylonas

Nation-building may be defined as the process through which the boundaries of the modern state and those of the national community become congruent. The desired outcome is to achieve national integration (Reference Works: Concepts and Definitions). The major divide in the literature centers on the causal path that leads to national integration. Thus, nation-building has been theorized as a structural process intertwined with industrialization, urbanization, social mobilization, etc. (Structural Explanations); as the result of deliberate state policies that aim at the homogenization of a state along the lines of a specific constitutive story—that can and often does change over time and under certain conditions (State-Planned Policies); as the product of top-bottom processes that could originate from forces outside of the boundaries of the relevant state; and as the product of bottom-up processes that do not require any state intervention to come about (Contingency, Events, and Demonstration Effects). Since the emergence of nationalism as the dominant ideology to legitimate authority and the template of the nation-state as an organizational principle of the international system, state elites have pursued different policies toward the various unassimilated groups within their territorial boundaries (Seminal Case Studies) with variable consequences (Nation-Building and Its Consequences). Thus, scholars have suggested that the nation-building experience of each state—or lack thereof—has had an impact on patterns of State Formation and Social Order, Self-Determination Movements, War Onset, and Public Goods Provision.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-50
Author(s):  
John Mukum Mbaku

Summary Most countries in Africa are both “multination” and “polyethnic” states. This is due partly to the forced amalgamation, by the European colonialists, of the continent’s “ethnocultural nations” into single economic and political units that were called “colonies.” These colonies eventually evolved into what are today’s independent African countries. Today, many of these ethnocultural groups want to secede and form their own independent polities in order to have more autonomy over policies that affect their well-being, including especially their cultural and traditional values. The struggle by these groups for either outright secession or so-called enhanced rights has created many challenges for governance, national integration and nation-building in many countries in Africa today. Throughout the continent, inter-ethnic conflict, for example, over the allocation of scarce resources, has produced sectarian violence that has led to civil wars (as occurred in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, and Nigeria) and significantly endangered prospects for peaceful coexistence. It has been suggested that the solution to this political quagmire is the creation of differentiated citizenship rights for each of these groups. The paper suggests that of the three types of differentiated citizenship that have been suggested as a way to accommodate diversity—self-government rights, polyethnic rights, and special representation rights—self-government rights pose the greatest threat to social, political, and economic stability in the African countries. The solution to this governance challenge may lie in inclusive and robust dialogue, which can help these groups find a way to remain citizens of their present polities, while at the same time, retaining their cultural identities.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Ikechukwu Ezeogamba

Eph. 4:31-32 urges believers to, "Put away all bitterness and wrath and anger and wrangling and slander, together with all malice, and be kind to one another, tenderhearted, forgiving one another, as God in Christ has forgiven us." The above is strongly worded. A cursory look at the Nigerian nation reveals that Nigeria as a nation is sectionalized along ethnic, religious as well as gender line. Apart from the three main dominant ethnic groups in Nigeria, there are still very many ethnic groups that are not even recognized and they feel marginalized and out of the equation. There is unwritten and unexpressed anger that exists among all the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria; each claiming to have been marginalized by others. Again, there are three main religious groups in Nigeria namely, Islam, Christianity and African Traditional Religion. Among these three dominant groups, there is deep-rooted antagonism. Hence, each of these religious groups is internally divided. There are so many sects in Islam and in most cases they are at each other's throat. In the same way, there are several denominations or sects in Christianity and each of the sets claim to be with the authentic doctrine to the neglect and detriment of others. African Traditional Religion on her part is localized in each region and each region claims that theirs is more authentic and more godly than of others. The worst hatred is between the so-called infidels and Muslim believers. Any nation that has the above qualities, has unknowingly taken underdevelopment, and godlessness as her second name. This paper sets out to prove that if there is mutual love among all the ethnic groups in Nigeria, among religious groups both ad extra and within, then godliness will prevail everywhere and Nigeria as a nation will be better for it. This paper argues that a proper understanding and appreciation of Eph. 4:31-32 by Christians and none Christians alike will emit so many green lights that could promote nation building and oneness. Significantly, this paper will be of immense benefit to all men and women of good will both in Nigeria and outside Nigeria.


2019 ◽  
Vol S1 (1) ◽  
pp. 241-268
Author(s):  
George Chimdi Mbara ◽  
Nwabufo Okeke Uzodike ◽  
Mtshali Khondlo

2021 ◽  
Vol 01 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Kamran Fiaz

Despite the smooth transition of power from the British colonists to the Sri Lankan Sinhalese in 1949, Sri Lanka inherited considerable challenges. There has been conflict between the Sinhalese and the Tamils post-independence which led to a long and brutal civil war from 1983 to 2009. After the culmination of the civil war, Sri Lanka confronted numerous obstacles in the reconstruction and rehabilitation of the country. Drawing from Birch’s model of national integration, this study attempts to examine the diverse political, economic, and social challenges facing Sri Lanka. The review shows that Sri Lanka needs critical nation building in the following areas: (i) Infrastructural development, (ii) Resettlements and rehabilitation of displaced populations (iii) Ethnic and religious integration, (iv) Equality in political representation, (v) Educational and employment policies, (vi) Gender equality policies, and (vii) mental health interventions for children and women. The role of international bodies, like the United Nations Human Rights Council, and neighboring countries is key to creating pressure for national integration and growth. There is fear that if national unity is not at the forefront of state and international policy for Sri Lanka, conflict and instability may arise again.


2001 ◽  
Vol 29 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 31-36
Author(s):  
Dauda Abubakar

The issues of ethnicity and democratization and the prospects for development in postcolonial Africa have long preoccupied scholars. When most African countries gained independence from the colonialists in the 1960s, the ruling elites who inherited state power insisted that Africa could not afford the luxury of democracy because of its potential for exacerbating ethnic pluralism and political conflict, which would be detrimental to the more pertinent projects of development and integration/nation building. The ideology of development and national integration in postcolonial Africa thus became the justification for one-party rule, autocracy, and military dictatorship.


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