Nation-Building

Author(s):  
Harris Mylonas

Nation-building may be defined as the process through which the boundaries of the modern state and those of the national community become congruent. The desired outcome is to achieve national integration (Reference Works: Concepts and Definitions). The major divide in the literature centers on the causal path that leads to national integration. Thus, nation-building has been theorized as a structural process intertwined with industrialization, urbanization, social mobilization, etc. (Structural Explanations); as the result of deliberate state policies that aim at the homogenization of a state along the lines of a specific constitutive story—that can and often does change over time and under certain conditions (State-Planned Policies); as the product of top-bottom processes that could originate from forces outside of the boundaries of the relevant state; and as the product of bottom-up processes that do not require any state intervention to come about (Contingency, Events, and Demonstration Effects). Since the emergence of nationalism as the dominant ideology to legitimate authority and the template of the nation-state as an organizational principle of the international system, state elites have pursued different policies toward the various unassimilated groups within their territorial boundaries (Seminal Case Studies) with variable consequences (Nation-Building and Its Consequences). Thus, scholars have suggested that the nation-building experience of each state—or lack thereof—has had an impact on patterns of State Formation and Social Order, Self-Determination Movements, War Onset, and Public Goods Provision.

1967 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Peshkin

The new nations of the world hold many expectations for their education systems. They expect that schools will produce the labour force for their manpower requirements, the leadership for their bureaucracies, and the citizenry for an enlightened social order. In pluralistic countries, governments expect also that schools will assist in integrating sub-populations fragmented by religious, linguistic, or ethnic differences. This article will examine the theme, ‘education and national integration’, in Nigeria, whose federal form of government was erected in recognition of profound cultural disparities.


1995 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Levine

It is universally agreed that involuntary unemployment is an evil for unemployed individuals, who lose both income and the non-pecuniary benefits of paid employment, and for society, which loses the productive labor that the unemployed are unable to expend. It is nearly as widely agreed that there is at least a prima-facie case for alleviating this evil – for reasons of justice and/or benevolence and/or social order. Finally, there is little doubt that the evils of involuntary unemployment cannot be adequately addressed in contemporary societies without state intervention – whether through monetary or fiscal policies, cash payments or other subsidies to the unemployed, direct provision of employment by the state, or some combination of these measures.


Author(s):  
Evgeny A. Chibirkin ◽  

The process of nation-building in modern societies within the framework of national integration is considered in the article from different approaches and taking into consideration analysis and understanding of foreign experience. Special attention is paid to the concepts and views of Francis Fukuyama and Robert Cooper along with their importance for practice of nation-building. An inference is made that today these concepts and attempts to implement them in practice cannot be recognized as perfect and adequate to current challenges of internal and external origins.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Régis Le Moguédec

<p>A significant factor that prevented the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) from becoming as calamitous as the Great Depression of 1929, is the fact that states reacted swiftly to inject massive sums of public money to save the banks and the global financial system.  This massive state intervention highlighted the limits of the progressive deregulation of the international system which characterized the process of globalization. It showed that states had huge responsibilities in keeping the global economy afloat, albeit without a clear compass or direction. The apparent ‘anarchy’ of the global market system makes conceivable that, to paraphrase A. Wendt, “globalization should be what states make of it”.  Limiting the scope of study to the postmodern state, and looking at the discourse surrounding the globalization process that promotes de-regulation and limited government within a ‘neo-liberal paradigm’ it looks at the ‘democratic deficit’ which weakens the political decision-making process. If not yet a ‘paradigm shift’, the GFC has many ingredients of a crisis of capitalism which needs to re-invent itself, and political action is crucial to curb the excesses of finance. Looking at France, and the election of Francois Hollande on a strong ‘anti-finance’ platform in 2012 and its European Union dimension, it remains to be seen if that kind of shift will actually be able to operate and be successful to set the tone for global reforms.  In conclusion, the core argument is that the global ‘trial’ of the neoliberal paradigm and the concept of financial deregulation should now enter a new phase. It is historically and symbolically the defeat of the self-regulating markets as a blueprint for global prosperity. The present structures are inadequate, and states have to find new ways for cooperation in order to steer this integrated world towards greater cohesion.</p>


Author(s):  
Benno Weiner

This introductory chapter explains that the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) goal in 1950s Amdo was not just state building but also nation building, which required the construction of narratives and policies capable of convincing Amdo Tibetans of their membership in a wider political community. It argues that Communist Party leaders implicitly understood both the administrative and epistemological obstacles to transforming an expansive, variegated, and vertically organized imperial formation into an integrated, socialist, multinational state. Moreover, the ideological underpinnings of the CCP demanded the active participation of individuals and communities in this new sociopolitical order, albeit in heavily scripted ways and as part of a distinct hierarchy of power. The CCP therefore adopted and adapted imperial strategies of rule, often collectively referred to as the United Front, as means to “gradually,” “voluntarily,” and “organically” bridge the gap between empire and nation. As demonstrated, however, the United Front ultimately lost out to a revolutionary impatience that demanded more immediate paths to national integration and socialist transformation. This led in 1958 to communization, large-scale rebellion, and its brutal pacification. Rather than a voluntary union, Amdo was integrated through the widespread and often indiscriminate use of violence, a violence that lingers in the living memory of Amdo Tibetans and many others.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-253
Author(s):  
Gilbert Germain

The Network Society, Darin Barney, London: Polity, 2004, pp. 198In The Network Society, Darin Barney investigates the claim that “the spirit of our age is the spirit of the network” (2). This claim, the so-called “network society thesis,” announces the birth of a new social order in which “identity, politics, and economy are structured, and operate, as networks” (2). The argument that networks form the organizational principle of social, political, and economic configurations is a direct consequence, we are told, of the communication and management technologies that mediate virtually all contemporary societal practices. This being said, Barney sets out to assess the status of the network society thesis as a truth claim: Does the thesis in fact describe the arrival of a new societal order or does it merely provide a script for its possible realization? Although he concludes the rhetoric of the network society serves both functions, Barney's ultimate concern is that its prescriptive capacity is sufficiently powerful that the political will to offset the further advance of the network society is fast disappearing.


Slavic Review ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 46 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 391-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter H. Solomon

Years ago Harold Berman observed that for many people in the west the term Soviet law represented a contradiction. Popular imagination found little place for law or criminal justice in a society where terror or extralegal coercion played a major role. Yet, as Berman argued, even in Stalin's Russia law and force existed side by side, and there was a “surprising degree of official compartmentalization of the legal and the extra-legal.” Berman recognized that the separation of law and terror was no accident; rather it was a product of the regime's commitment to law and the functions it could perform for a stable, conservative social order. Three decades later western Sovietologists are only starting to come to terms with the conservative phase of Stalin's rule; and, despite a fine essay by Robert Sharlet, the promotion of law has yet to be incorporated into the standard portrait of Stalinism. A major reason is the continuation of doubts about the possibilities for law where terror also reigns.


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