scholarly journals US interaction with the TPSEP countries within the trade policy of the George W. Bush administration

Author(s):  
Viktor V. Shamardin ◽  

The article is devoted to the study of the formation of the US foreign trade course in the Asia-Pacific region. Special attention is paid to the factors in bilateral relations with the TPSEP countries, which had a key influence on the decision of the George W. Bush administration to join the partnership. The author comes to the conclusion that failures in the implementation of the multilateral format of regional trade liberalization contributed to the fact that the United States entered the negotiation process on the TPSEP.

Author(s):  
Ivan Desiatnikov ◽  

The article focuses on the analysis of US-Vietnam relations during the period from 1945 to 1975. The aim of the article is to trace the changes that took place in the US-Vietnam relationship over that period, to identify the factors that influenced them, as well as the approaches used by the heads of the countries to tackle their foreign policy objectives in the region. The author traces the evolution of US policy in Vietnam pursued by Presidents H. Truman, D. Eisenhower, J. Kennedy, L. Johnson and R. Nixon. The United States had diametrically opposed position on relations with the Vietnamese governments, namely, confrontation and military conflict with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and cooperation, military and economic aid to the Republic of Vietnam. The author concludes that the US attitude towards Vietnam was determined by the international situation at that time, including the beginning of the Cold War. The policies of Presidents D. Eisenhower and J. Kennedy were to restrain the expansion of the Communist bloc's sphere of influence. The direct involvement of the US military in the Vietnam conflict, initiated by L. Johnson, pursued the goal of enhancing the prestige of the United States in the global confrontation with the USSR. The split between the Soviet Union and China was used by the US to get out of the Vietnam War and mend relations with China as a counterweight to the Soviet Union in the Asia-Pacific region. Instead, the Republic of Vietnam, which had been the "junior partner" of the United States, was left to its fate.


2020 ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Zolboo Dashnyam ◽  
Byambakhand Luguusharav

Mongolia’s security primarily depends on how the country develops respective bilateral relations with its neighbors and great powers including the United States. In this sense, it is important to examine U.S. foreign policy, in particular, its Asia policy as well as interests pursued by Washington while promoting bilateral relations with Mongolia, as the nexus between those parties should be considered in foreign policymaking of Mongolia. On the other hand, relations with Mongolia has been a part of U.S. policy towards the Asia-Pacific region. However, under the leadership of President Trump, the U.S. administration re-defined its policy towards the region by replacing Asia-Pacific with the label of Indo-Pacific. Only two years later since Mongolia and the United States marked the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations, the two countries elevated their ties to a strategic partnership in 2019. In this article, the authors seek to explain what is the Indo-Pacific partnership and express their views. Энэтхэг-Номхон далайн бүс дэх АНУ-ын гадаад бодлого ба Монгол Улс, АНУ-ын стратегийн түншлэл   Хураангуй: Монгол Улсын аюулгүй байдалд эерэг, сөрөг нөлөө бүхий байдал үүсэх нь хоёр хөрш болон АНУ-тай харилцаагаа хэрхэн төлөвшүүлэх, тэдгээрийн ашиг сонирхлын шүтэлцээнд хэрхэн оролцохоос хамаарна. Иймээс Америкийн гадаад бодлого, харилцаа холбоог судлах нь түүний Азид явуулж буй бодлого, түүний дотор Монголтой харилцаж буй ашиг сонирхлын уялдааг судлах, улмаар Монгол Улсын АНУ-тай харилцах бодлогыг тодорхойлоход чухал. Нөгөө талаар, Монгол Улстай харилцах нь АНУ-ын Ази, Номхон далайн бүс нутагт чиглэсэн бодлогын нэг хэсэг байсаар ирсэн. Ерөнхийлөгч Д.Трампын засаг захиргаа дээр дурдсан бүс нутгийн нэршил, ойлголтыг өөрчлөн энэ бүс нутагт чиглэсэн бодлогоо Энэтхэг-Номхон далайн стратеги хэмээн тодорхойлох болов. 1987 онд дипломат харилцаа тогтоон, гурван жилийн өмнө дипломат харилцаа тогтоосны 30 жилийн ойг өргөн хүрээнд тэмдэглэсэн Монгол-АНУ-ын харилцаа 2019 онд шат ахин “Стратегийн түншлэл” болон хэлбэржлээ. Энэхүү өгүүллийн эхний хэсэгт АНУ-ын дэвшүүлсэн Энэтхэг-Номхон далайн стратеги гэгч юу болох, энэхүү стратегийн хүрээнд Монгол-АНУ харилцааны онцлог байдлын талаар судлаачийн байр сууриа илэрхийлэв. Түлхүүр үгс:  АНУ, Энэтхэг-Номхон далай, Монгол Улс, гуравдагч хөршийн бодлого, стратегийн түншлэл 


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 736-741 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. T. Ibragimova ◽  
A. M. Azmukhanova ◽  
D. R. Aitmagambetov ◽  
T. A. Kamaljanova ◽  
G. Zh. Kenzhalina

Purpose of the study: This article aims to study scenarios for the development of the Asia-Pacific region in the context of the US-China conflict of interest in this region. Methodology: The article is concerned with the conflict of interest between the United States of America and China in the context of the development of the Asia-Pacific region associated with activities of these leading actors of international relations in the Asia-Pacific region and the relevant integration structures and agreements. Main Findings: The authors of the article have analyzed the US-Chinese relations in the Asia-Pacific region and presented an overview of the international situation. Applications of this study: Special attention was paid to the expert discussion of scenarios for the probable development of the Asia-Pacific region in the immediate future, including the preservation of the existing state of affairs ("Status Quo"), the global Trans-Pacific and Trans-Atlantic Silk Road Partnership under the auspices of China, the creation of the Asia-Pacific free-trade zone and the "northern" space of economic partnership.


2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph A. Cossa ◽  
Brad Glosserman ◽  
Michael A. McDevitt ◽  
Nirav Patel ◽  
James Przystup ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 135-153
Author(s):  
Vladimir Batyuk

Despite the critical attitude of the current American President towards his predecessor, the Trump administration actually continued the course of the Obama administration to turn the Asia-Pacific region into the most important priority of American foreign policy. Moreover, the US Asia-Pacific strategy was transformed under Trump into the Indo-Pacific strategy, when the Indian Ocean was added to the Asia-Pacific region in the US strategic thinking. The US Pacific command was renamed the Indo-Pacific command (May 2018), and the US Department of defense developed the Indo-Pacific strategy (published in June 2019). The Indo-Pacific strategy is an integral part of Trump’s national security strategy, according to which China, along with Russia, was declared US adversary. The American side complained about both the economic and military-political aspects of the Chinese presence in the Indo-Pacific region. At the same time, official Washington is no longer confident that it can cope with those adversaries, China and Russia, alone. Trying to implement the main provisions of the Indo-Pacific strategy, official Washington has staked not only on building up its military power in the Indo-Pacific, but also on trying to build an anti-Chinese system of alliances in this huge region. Along with such traditional American allies in the region as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the Philippines and Singapore, the American side in the recent years has made active attempts to attract India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam to this system of alliances as well. These American attempts, however, can only cause serious concerns not only in Beijing, but also in Moscow, thereby contributing to the mutual rapprochement of the Russian Federation and China. Meanwhile, the Russian-Chinese tandem is able to devalue American efforts to strategically encircle China, creating a strong Eurasian rear for the Middle Kingdom.


Author(s):  
M. V. Ulchenko ◽  

Currently, the Asia-Pacific market is a priority goal for almost all major producers of liquefied natural gas(LNG). This is due to the relatively high price that local consumers are willing to pay, as well as the accelerated growth rate of natural gas consumption. At the same time, China is the main driver of growth in demand for LNGin the world, has concluded a trade agreement with the United States, which involves the purchase of energy resources worth more than $ 52 billion over two years. Given the decline in LNG prices, as well as increased competition, the issue of the prospects for sales of Russian Arctic gas on the market of the Asia-Pacific region becomes particularly relevant.The study provides a generalized assessment of the needs of the main importers of LNG ––China, South Korea and Japan, with a planning horizon of 4–5 years. The relatively high growth rates of the economy, partial rejection of nuclear energy, struggle to improve the environmental situation, as well as the desire to diversify supply routes explain the needs of the countries in the Asia-Pacific region for additional volumes of LNGin the near future. The analysis showed that both Japan and South Korea are interested in increasing the volume of imports of Russian arctic LNG, whose key advantages over most competitors are the price and relative proximity of sales markets. At the same time, the reduction in the number of operating gas drilling rigs in the United States indicates that it will not be possible to maintain the growth rate of LNG production at the level of 2018 and 2019.


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