Feminization of Indian Agriculture: A Review

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arghyadeep Das ◽  
Shruti Mohapatra ◽  
Neela Madhav Patnaik

After liberalization the Indian agriculture went through a phenomenon called feminization of agriculture which means increase the share of women in agricultural work force. However this feminization was not consistent with empowerment as still a these workforce are underpaid as compare to its male counterpart. The differences in participation between men and women workers were lowest to the states with higher share of workers in agriculture. In order to understand the factors determining this phenomenon, constraints causing the impediment the participation and policies to overcome it, a number of literature had been compiled in this paper. Feminization in agriculture occurred due to migration of male work force from agriculture. However, this phenomenon does not consistent with empowerment as women work force are always underpaid. Proportion of land utilized for food grain, per capita income, land holdings were some of the factors which were determining the women’s participation. In order to improve the situation for women government are now focusing on gender budgeting. Besides women’s participation in research work had been encouraging to develop technology which will be suitable for the use of women.

1984 ◽  
Vol 40 (04) ◽  
pp. 491-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawn Keremitsis

When the cottage textile industries in 18th century England were moved to urban factories, women and children also left their private existence and moved into public work in the mills. The situation was similar in Mexico and Colombia when their factories started to produce cloth, but after an urban labor force developed, men replaced women in the plants. In developed nations, women still dominate the textile work force, especially when products compete on a world market. Few studies have attempted to analyze the difference historically as the labor force divides into sexual roles, either in advanced or underdeveloped nations. Although Ester Boserup's study of third world women indicates that this transition occurs (in one direction) when mechanization advances to replace manual or simple tasks, lately her conclusions have been questioned as technologically advanced industries such as computers have hired women rather than men to assemble instruments. The textile industry has often been viewed as a force in the beginning of industrialization and can illustrate how women are used as a transition element as they first move from private home activities into public roles in the factories and then as plants become more capitalintensive, they are again returned to their private space. At first their willingness to accept low wages in the mills left the men performing agricultural labor. As promotion of industrialization brought an urban labor force into existence, a variety of social and economic pressures removed them from participation in production of goods. Their reserve labor remained available for other functions as the need arose.


1981 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 471-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall M. Miller

The factory system in one of its earliest forms—the textile mill—made limited strides in the American South during the closing decades of the slave era. While bondsmen were put to work in mills almost from the beginning, the problem of adapting an agricultural work force to the factory system was one that had to be solved simultaneously with the development of the factory system itself. Since then, historians have wondered whether the use of slaves in early industry was an intensification of the human aspects of bondage or whether it represented a marginal improvement in their physical and spiritual welfare. Professor Miller offers no answer to these questions, nor to those of how widespread or how successful was the use of slaves as factory operatives. He demonstrates, however, that apart from the fact that bondsmen took to factory work more readily than poor whites, the problems to be solved by managers, before a successful degree of efficiency could be achieved, were common to all new industrial systems; clearly, the development of an intelligent disciplinary system, enlightened motivation, and good working conditions were as important in using slaves as in using free labor.


2005 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Santina Bertone ◽  
Gerard Griffin

One of the main goals of employment equity programmes is to increase the occupational mobility of women so that they may enter non traditional jobs. Although on-the-job training has always been considered a major tool for increasing occupational mobility, it has received very little consideration in employment equity programmes. This article identifies the major aspects of women's participation in on-the-job training programmes and proposes ways to bridge the gap between these programmes and employment equity. The first section of the article examines the current situation of women in the labour market. According to the most recent statistics, occupational segregation as well as the wage gap between males and females are still quite significant. Studies of employment equity programmes show that progress has, in general, been slow. Among the reasons given for these results are a lack of integration of employment equity programmes and employers' human resource management strategies, particularly as regards on-the-job training. In the second section we examine data depicting different aspects of women workers' participation in on-the-job training. The data originate from a wide variety of sources and show that women are disadvantaged relative to men along several dimensions, including: participation rates; duration and intensity of training; and financing. Explanations for these discrepancies are discussed in the following two sections which deal respectively with access to and outcomes of on-the-job training for women workers. An initial factor that may explain the lower participation rate of women is the fact that employers tend to offer on-the-job training to workers in qualified jobs. In this context, women's jobs are usually considered as less qualified and studies show that there is an under-investment in human capital in jobs such as clerical work where women are concentrated. Another factor that comes into play is the relation between on-the-job training and an employee's real or anticipated stability in the enterprise. Although women's periods of absence from the labour market for family reasons are much shorter now than before, they are still perceived as less attached to their jobs. It has been shown, for instance, that women with young children are less likely to be offered training by their employers. Another characteristic of women's jobs that negatively affects their participation in training is the fact that they are over-represented in areas of marginal employment such as part-time work. Employers tend to offer less training to these employees because they are considered less motivated and less productive. Finally, the positive relation that has been shown to exist between size of firm and the incidence of training may equally have an adverse impact since women are over-represented in small and mediumsized firms. Even if employers modify their practices in order to give women access to training for non-traditional jobs, some barriers can still limit positive outcomes. These barriers may exist during or after training. For instance, for reasons arising from education or the traditional nature of their job experience, women are less familiar with basic technical skills. Studies have shown that the chances of women remaining in and successfully completing these programmes are improved if, prior to training, they receive some technical or scientific instruction in areas such as refresher mathematics or technical vocabulary. Positive attitudes and awareness on the part of trainers are also important factors in avoiding discouragement and withdrawal from the programme by women workers. Finally, once training is over, occupational mobility may not necessarily follow for various reasons such as bias of supervisors against women entrants in non traditional jobs or a lack of seniority. The analysis presented in this article proposes a comprehensive framework for studying women's participation in on-the-job training programmes. One of the main features of the analysis is to demonstrate the interactions between a large number of variables. The next step is to improve our knowledge of this situation through use of a more comprehensive statistical data base, and through case studies. Given the fact that hiring has considerably slowed down for cyclical as well as structural reasons, promotions into non-traditional jobs will probably become the main avenue for employment equity, hence the importance of on-the-job training for women workers.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Aparna H

The impact of COVID-19 pandemic on the daily wage workers and migrants has been largely unsettling and it has pushed our economy to recession. Wages have an important role in maintaining the livelihood and the well-being of the work force. According to Jules Backman, a fluctuation in wage rates stands as a great concern to everyone in the economy. To a worker, wage is an important source of livelihood, to a businessman wage symbolizes cost and in the eyes of the government, wage is represented as potential taxes. Therefore, any alterations in the worker’s livelihood can cause an adverse impression on the economy. The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has drained the livelihoods of millions of daily wage workers and migrants and their socio-economic conditions have also been shaken. This study will elucidate the disputes confronted by the daily wage workers and migrants. Two surveys have been conducted for this study. Study 1: A survey was taken among 130 daily wage workers to understand the Problems encountered by them. Study 2: To highlight the difficulties faced by the migrants, a survey was taken among 100 migrants. The research work is based on primary source of data collected by interviewing the daily wage and migrant workers of Coimbatore and Tirupur districts of Tamil Nadu.


1997 ◽  
Vol 21 (6) ◽  
pp. 331-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justine Schneider ◽  
Angela Hallam

This paper is a study of the costs and quality of life of 157 people attending specialist employment schemes for people with long-term mental health problems in southeast England. The research, work force, and the seven work settings are described and differences found between service users in satisfaction, social networks and costs at 1994–95 levels are reported. This is the first such study of work schemes in this country, and while still not generalisable, it supplies valuable empirical evidence for all those concerned with psychiatric rehabilitation.


1984 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawn Keremitsis

When the cottage textile industries in 18th century England were moved to urban factories, women and children also left their private existence and moved into public work in the mills. The situation was similar in Mexico and Colombia when their factories started to produce cloth, but after an urban labor force developed, men replaced women in the plants. In developed nations, women still dominate the textile work force, especially when products compete on a world market. Few studies have attempted to analyze the difference historically as the labor force divides into sexual roles, either in advanced or underdeveloped nations. Although Ester Boserup's study of third world women indicates that this transition occurs (in one direction) when mechanization advances to replace manual or simple tasks, lately her conclusions have been questioned as technologically advanced industries such as computers have hired women rather than men to assemble instruments. The textile industry has often been viewed as a force in the beginning of industrialization and can illustrate how women are used as a transition element as they first move from private home activities into public roles in the factories and then as plants become more capitalintensive, they are again returned to their private space. At first their willingness to accept low wages in the mills left the men performing agricultural labor. As promotion of industrialization brought an urban labor force into existence, a variety of social and economic pressures removed them from participation in production of goods. Their reserve labor remained available for other functions as the need arose.


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