scholarly journals Od groźnych po zagrożone Alpy — procesy zawłaszczania i tożsamość alpejskich obrońców środowiska w Tyrolu

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 137-149
Author(s):  
Maria Buck
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Physical Space ◽  
The Other ◽  
The European Union ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Alps ◽  
History Of Culture ◽  
The One ◽  
Sports Arena ◽  
Resistance Movement

While in the early days of the European history of culture the Alps were seen as forbidding, since the 1970s environmental activists have used this description, turning it the other way round — now it is the Alps that are increasingly threatened by today’s environmental problems. Noise, air pollution, deforestation and problems relating to ozone depletion threaten the ecologically sensitive Alpine range. The problems affect not just the Alps, but owing to geographical and topographic conditions their consequences are particularly strong here. Thus the Alps constitute a reference framework as well as a point of origin for the thematisation of ecological problems. Defenders of the Alps were especially critical of the claims — or, more openly, designs — of the European Union in the area of transport, tourism and energy. The relations between the Alps and the European Union constituted a unique moment in the discussion of environmental activists. On the one hand they styled the Alps as a model ecological region in contrast to the economy-focused European Union, and on the other the European Union served as a common enemy, which turned the Alps into a political argument in declaring unity of this space. This unity was, according to the defenders of the Alps, important in the context of securing and forcing through the region’s internal needs. To sum up, the Alps were presented as a place where various, partly opposing, economic, ecological and political interest met, and a place appropriated, depending on the context, as a living, cultural and economic space, as Europe’s roof and water tower, or as a holiday idyll and sports arena. Given the collaboration of Alpine environmentalists crossing state borders south and north of the Brenner Pass, and within the extraordinarily politically and socially heterogenous resistance movement in North Tirol, a question arises: to what extent have the Alps generated unique forms of identification for these figures? The author of the article argues that for Alpine environmentalists the Alps are both a discursive and a physical space, used as an identity-building element and space of activity.

scholarly journals Von den bedrohlichen zu den bedrohten Alpen – Aneignungsprozesse und Identifikationsfiguren alpiner Umweltschützer*innen in Tirol

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 121-136
Author(s):  
Maria Buck
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Physical Space ◽  
The Other ◽  
The European Union ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Alps ◽  
History Of Culture ◽  
The One ◽  
Sports Arena ◽  
Resistance Movement

While in the early days of the European history of culture the Alps were seen as forbidding, since the 1970s environmental activists have used this description, turning it the other way round — now it is the Alps that are increasingly threatened by today’s environmental problems. Noise, air pollution, deforestation and problems relating to ozone depletion threaten the ecologically sensitive Alpine range. The problems affect not just the Alps, but owing to geographical and topographic conditions their consequences are particularly strong here. Thus the Alps constitute a reference framework as well as a point of origin for the thematisation of ecological problems. Defenders of the Alps were especially critical of the claims — or, more openly, designs — of the European Union in the area of transport, tourism and energy. The relations between the Alps and the European Union constituted a unique moment in the discussion of environmental activists. On the one hand they styled the Alps as a model ecological region in contrast to the economy-focused European Union, and on the other the European Union served as a common enemy, which turned the Alps into a political argument in declaring unity of this space. This unity was, according to the defenders of the Alps, important in the context of securing and forcing through the region’s internal needs. To sum up, the Alps were presented as a place where various, partly opposing, economic, ecological and political interest met, and a place appropriated, depending on the context, as a living, cultural and economic space, as Europe’s roof and water tower, or as a holiday idyll and sports arena. Given the collaboration of Alpine environmentalists crossing state borders south and north of the Brenner Pass, and within the extraordinarily politically and socially heterogenous resistance movement in North Tirol, a question arises: to what extent have the Alps generated unique forms of identification for these figures? The author of the article argues that for Alpine environmentalists the Alps are both a discursive and a physical space, used as an identity-building element and space of activity.

Israel and the European Union

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon Pardo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Integration Project ◽  
The Eu

Israeli-European Union (EU) relations have consisted of a number of conflicting trends that have resulted in the emergence of a highly problematic and volatile relationship: one characterized by a strong and ever-increasing network of economic, cultural, and personal ties, yet marked, at the political level, by disappointment, bitterness, and anger. On the one hand, Israel has displayed a genuine desire to strengthen its ties with the EU and to be included as part of the European integration project. On the other hand, Israelis are deeply suspicious of the Union’s policies and are untrusting of the Union’s intentions toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to the Middle East as a whole. As a result, Israel has been determined to minimize the EU’s role in the Middle East peace process (MEPP), and to deny it any direct involvement in the negotiations with the Palestinians. The article summarizes some key developments in Israeli-European Community (EC)/EU relations since 1957: the Israeli (re)turn to Europe in the late 1950s; EC-Israeli economic and trade relations; the 1980 Venice Declaration and the EC/EU involvement in the MEPP; EU-Israeli relations in a regional/Mediterranean context; the question of Israeli settlements’ products entering free of duty to the European Common Market; EU-Israeli relations in the age of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP); the failed attempt to upgrade EU-Israeli relations between the years 2007 and 2014; and the Union’s prohibition on EU funding to Israeli entities beyond the 1967 borders. By discussing the history of this uneasy relationship, the article further offers insights into how the EU is actually judged as a global-normative actor by Israelis.

THE HISTORY OF MUSLIM MIGRATION TO EUROPE

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 72-77
Author(s):  
Александра Борисовна Гайнетдинова ◽  
Татьяна Константиновна Демидова ◽  
Елена Олеговна Тулупова
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Society ◽  
Native Language ◽  
Local Population ◽  
The Other ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The European Union ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Human Flow

At present, the issue of migration to the European Union is very acute, despite many attempts of the under question countries’ leaders to stabilize the situation. On the one hand, European Union authorities are unable to cope with a massive human flow, and on the other hand, local population’ discontent with Europe’s Islamization is mounting. It is obvious that the migrants who have arrived in European countries are reluctant to learn the native language, do not accept the culture, do not accept the rules of conduct in European society, and sometimes dictate their own conditions. It undoubtedly disturbs European society.

A Moveable Feast: On the History of Norwegian Foreign Policy

1999 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-157
Author(s):  
Johnny Laursen
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Continent ◽  
Policy History ◽  
International History ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Foreign Ministry

Norsk utenrikspolitikks historie (‘The History of Norwegian Foreign Policy’), 6 vols. (Universitetsforlaget, 1995–7), NOK 298 – per volume ISBN 8–200–22639–5.Volume I: Narve Bjørgo, Øystein Rian and Alf Kaardtvedt: Selvstendighet og union. Fra middelalderen til 1905 (1995), 416 pp., ISBN 8–200–22393–0.Volume II: Roald Berg: Norge på egen hånd 1905–1920 (1995), 401 pp., ISBN 8–200–22394–9.Volume III: Odd-Bjørn Fure: Mellomkrigstid 1920–1940 (1996), 434 pp., ISBN 2–200–22534–8.Volume IV: Jakob Sverdrup: Inn i storpolitiken 1940–1949 (1996), 389 pp., ISBN 8–200–22531–3.Volume V: Knut Einar Eriksen and Helge Ø. Pharo: Kald krig og internasjonalisering 1949–1965 (1997), 505 pp., ISBN 8–200–22894–0.Volume VI: Rolf Tamnes: Oljealder 1965–1995 (1997), 568 pp., ISBN 8–200–22893–2.It is a tempting thought that there is a contrast between, on the one hand, this voluminous, painstakingly thorough and admirably documented publication and, on the other hand, the size of its subject. A foreign policy history is a prestigious project that is traditionally associated with the great and powerful states of Europe. The Norwegian Foreign Ministry has approached the project with no less austere a mind than the authorities of more populous European states. Well financed, well led and with stunningly generous access to even contemporary archive materials – up till 1995 – this particular foreign policy history might even be the one with the best official backing to date. Moreover, of the Scandinavian countries Norway is the one with the strongest tradition of international history, and most of the best minds in the field have been members of the team of authors. But why then, some would cry, throw this impressive weight into a history of one of Europe's smallest states, 4.5 million souls, placed at the outskirts of the European continent, not a member of the European Union and with fewer than 100 years of independent foreign policy at that?

Spiritual Crisis of the Beginning of the 20th Century: From Philosophical to Religious Interpretations

2021 ◽  
pp. 79-88
Author(s):  
Alexander V. Koltsov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
History Of Philosophy ◽  
The Other ◽  
German Philosophy ◽  
Religious Consciousness ◽  
Religious Context ◽  
Spiritual Crisis ◽  
History Of ◽  
History Of Culture ◽  
The One

The paper is an attempt to narrow down the notion of spiritual crisis which is now widely applied in research on history of culture of the 19th–20th centuries, with respect to history of German philosophy and observation of modern reli­giosity. The shift from the history of philosophy to the religious context is ful­filled through analysis of texts of two religious thinkers, A. Reinach and S. Frank, whose thought clearly demonstrates strong interconnection between the both fields. Analysis of contemporary studies on history of phenomenological philos­ophy (C. Möckel and W. Gleixner) lets firstly observe ways of application of Koselleck’s notion of crisis to investigations in the history of philosophy. Sec­ondly it discovers two possibilities of philosophical contextualization of the con­cept of spiritual crisis – on the one hand, as a constituent rhetorical element of the philosophical statement (Möckel), on the other hand, as a term which de­scribes the uniqueness of an intellectual situation of the beginning of the 20thcentury (Gleixner). Then these aspects of the rhetoric of crisis are applied to reli­gious philosophy of Reinach and Frank, what leads to interpretation of their works as a particular statement discovering the divine (or the holy) as a new cat­egory of religious consciousness.

Of Apples and Mangoes

2018 ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
Philipp Dann ◽  
Maxim Bönnemann ◽  
Tanja Herklotz
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Legal System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Legal Systems ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
The One

Discussing several methods of comparative legal research and emphasizing upon the point that the two or more systems to be compared should not either be so similar that there is nothing for the one to learn from the other, nor should they be so dissimilar that there is no relationship whatsoever between them. Following this principle, this chapter finds that there is enough similarity as well as dissimilarity between the Indian legal system and the legal system of the European Union. Acknowledging that fact, the chapter then proceeds to compare some of the aspects of European and Indian legal systems from which both of them may benefit.

The EU after Brexit

2020 ◽  
pp. 83-109
Author(s):  
Federico Fabbrini
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Fiscal Federalism ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
The Other ◽  
The European Union ◽  
New Horizons ◽  
The One ◽  
Unanimous Approval ◽  
Amendment Procedure ◽  
The Eu

This chapter focuses on the European Union after Brexit and articulates the case for constitutional reforms. Reforms are necessary to address the substantive and institutional shortcomings that patently emerged in the context of Europe’s old and new crises. Moreover, reforms will be compelled by the exigencies of the post-Covid-19 EU recovery, which pushes the EU towards new horizons in terms of fiscal federalism and democratic governance. As a result, the chapter considers both obstacles and opportunities to reform the EU and make it more effective and legitimate. On the one hand, it underlines the difficulties connected to the EU treaty amendment procedure, owing to the requirement of unanimous approval of any treaty change, and the consequential problem of the veto. On the other hand, it emphasizes the increasing practice by Member States to use intergovernmental agreements outside the EU legal order and stresses that these have set new rules on their entry into force which overcome state veto, suggesting that this is now a precedent to consider.

Euro-Centrism vs. International Thinking

2006 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 12-14
Author(s):  
Stefan Fersterer
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
The Other ◽  
European Identity ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Familiar Environment ◽  
The One ◽  
European Citizen

If European people are asked to answer the question, “Which of your different identities has the highest rank in your personal sense: the local, the national or the European?”, a high percentage rate would definitely still report to the two former and only a minority would define themselves primarily as an European citizen. This is no surprise. On the one hand, one defines its identity through that origin, with which he or she has the strongest relation. On the other hand it is extremely difficult for a huge and often aloof entity like the European Union to develop a common European identity that evokes those impressions and sentiments that people combine with their familiar environment.

‘But the Last Word Is Ours’: The Monopoly of Jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union in Light of the Investment Court System

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 1187-1220
Author(s):  
Francisco de Abreu Duarte
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
General Framework ◽  
External Action ◽  
The Other ◽  
Court System ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

Abstract This article develops the concept of the monopoly of jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) through the analysis of the case study of the Investment Court System (ICS). By providing a general framework over the criteria that have been developed by the Court, the work sheds light on the controversial principle of autonomy of the European Union (EU) and its implications to the EU’s external action. The work intends to be both pragmatic and analytical. On the one hand, the criteria are extracted as operative tools from the jurisprudence of the CJEU and then used in the context of the validity of the ICS. This provides the reader with some definitive standards that can then be applied to future cases whenever a question concerning autonomy arises. On the other hand, the article questions the reasons behind the idea of the monopoly of jurisdiction of the CJEU, advancing a concept of autonomy of the EU as a claim for power and critiquing the legitimacy and coherence of its foundations. Both dimensions will hopefully help to provide some clarity over the meaning of autonomy and the monopoly of jurisdiction, while, at the same time, promoting a larger discussion on its impact on the external action of the EU.

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