On the Prospects of D. Trump and Trumpism during the Presidency of J. Biden

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (12) ◽  
pp. 141-151
Author(s):  
K. Gadzhiev

The article attempts to analyze some factors that, in the author’s opinion, may more or less significantly affect the fate and prospects of D. Trump and his legacy – a set of ideas, program guidelines, forms, methods, means of restructuring the socio-political life and the power system of the United States, which became known under the collective name “Trumpism”. The main attention is focused on substantiating the thesis that the victory of D. Trump, who in the context of the political realities of the United States could be regarded as an outsider, in the presidential elections in November 2016, was not a historical accident, but a natural result of deep shifts in infrastructures of the American society. After analyzing the objective and subjective factors of the struggle for power and the right to choose the paths and prospects of the socio-historical development of the United States between Trumpism and the political platform of J. Biden, the leader of the Democrats, it was concluded that all possible attempts to neutralize and push the Trump legacy to the periphery of social and political life appear to be insolvent. The author sees the essence of the problem in the fact that in the presidential elections of both 2016 and 2020 it was a question of voting for/against not just specific candidates from the Republican and Democratic Parties, but under conditions of a deep crisis, in support of or against the program of social and political development of the country. In the 2020 elections, D. Trump and J. Biden were viewed by the majority of voters as symbols of defenders and opponents of the dominant political, intellectual, media establishment, as well as the so-called “Washington swamp” and a “deep state”. Since the factors that prompted 74 million Americans to vote for Trump have not disappeared, the Democrats led by J. Biden will have to rule America with these realities in mind.

2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Bruyneel

On June 2, 1924, President Calvin Coolidge signed into law the Indian Citizenship Act (ICA), which unilaterally made United States citizens of all indigenous people living in the United States. This new law made citizens of approximately 125,000 of the 300,000 indigenous people in the country (the remainder were already U.S. citizens). Usually, people who have been excluded from American political life see the codi- fication of their citizenship status as an unambiguously positive political development. In the case of indigenous people and U.S. citizenship, however, one cannot find such clear and certain statements. All indigenous people certainly did not look at U.S. citizenship in the same light; in fact, very few saw it as unambiguously positive. This study demonstrates that the indigenous people who engaged the debate over U.S. citizenship came to define themselves, in various ways, as “ambivalent Americans,” neither fully inside nor fully outside the political, legal, and cultural boundaries of the United States. This effort to define a form of ambivalent American-ness reflects a significant tradition in indigenous politics, which involves indigenous political actors working back and forth across the boundaries of American political life to secure rights, resources, and/or sovereignty for the indigenous people they represent.


Author(s):  
S. N. Bolshakov

The article discusses the current problems of functioning democratic institutions in the United States. The consequences of presidential elections and their influence on public opinion are analyzed. In the face of growing tensions toward world democracy and democratic values, US citizens usually agree on the importance of democratic ideals and values that are important to the United States. The results of the study also demonstrate the awareness of American society of the objective existence necessary criticism. Most respondents emphasize their knowledge of basic facts about the political system and democracy in the United States. The majority of respondents said that “significant changes” are necessary in the fundamental structure of the executive bodies of the American government in order for it to work effectively at the present time.The article states the complexity of the ongoing domestic political processes in the United States, the existence of existing contradictions and the split of public opinion regarding the stability of democratic mechanisms of the functioning of the US political system. The complexity of religious, national, social and other contradictions of social development brought to the surface of public debate a complex of problems of the dynamics of political development and the state mechanism of government.


Author(s):  
Adrián Félix

In the context of research on the “thickening” of borders, Specters of Belonging raises the related question: How does transnational citizenship thicken across the political life cycle of Mexican migrants? In addressing this question, this book resembles what any good migration corrido (ballad) does—narrate the thickening of transnational citizenship from beginning, middle, to end. Specifically, Specters of Belonging traces Mexican migrant transnationalism across the migrant political life cycle, beginning with the “political baptism” (i.e., naturalization in the United States) and ending with repatriation to México after death. In doing so, the book illustrates how Mexican migrants enunciate, enact, and embody transnational citizenship in constant dialectical contestation with the state and institutions of citizenship on both sides of the U.S.-México border. Drawing on political ethnographies of citizenship classrooms, the first chapter examines how Mexican migrants enunciate transnational citizenship as they navigate the naturalization process in the United States and grapple with the contradictions of U.S. citizenship and its script of singular political loyalty. The middle chapter deploys transnational ethnography to analyze how Mexican migrants enact transnational citizenship within the clientelistic orbit of the Mexican state, focusing on a group of returned migrant politicians and transnational activists. Last, the final chapter turns to how Mexican migrants embody transnational citizenship by tracing the cross-border practice of repatriating the bodies of deceased Mexican migrants from the United States to their communities of origin in rural México.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002073142199484
Author(s):  
Vicente Navarro

This article analyses the political changes that have been occurring in the United States (including the elections for the presidency of the country) and their consequences for the health and quality of life of the population. A major thesis of this article is that there is a need to analyse, besides race and gender, other categories of power - such as social class - in order to understand what happens in the country. While the class structure of the United States is similar to that of major Western European countries, the political context is very different. The U.S. political context has resulted in the very limited power of its working class, which explains the scarcity of labor, political and social rights in the country, such as universal access to health care.


Divested ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 9-27
Author(s):  
Ken-Hou Lin ◽  
Megan Tobias Neely

This chapter discusses the definition of finance and the meaning of financialization, a concept introduced long before the 2008 financial crisis that has since gained popularity in both academic and public discussion. It argues that finance, while having served an important function in many societies, has become too much of a good thing in the United States, and cites evidence demonstrating its extraordinary growth in and beyond the last quarter of the 20th century. The chapter also provides a brief historical account that identifies the political and institutional roots of financialization, from the Bretton Woods Agreement to the political reorientation in the 1980s, underscoring that the shift was not a natural result of capitalist economy but a historical product contingent on a wide variety of developments.


1992 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-196
Author(s):  
Domenico da Empoli

Abstract C. K. Rowley, The Right to Justice - The Political Economy of Legal Services in the United States, The Locke Institute, Brookfield, Edward Elgar, 1992, pp. 413, US$ 49,00.


Author(s):  
S. Astakhova

The presidential elections held in November 2020 in Moldova resulted in the victory of a pro-European candidate Maia Sandu. In Moldova the problem of determining the foreign policy course does not lose its relevance –confrontation between pro-Russian and pro-Western forces does not stop in the country. The main goal of the right-wing forces that came to power is to change the geopolitical vector of Moldova in favor of the EU and the United States. In the near future the Moldovan society is expected to change, and first of all in the field of integration.


Author(s):  
Vibeke Sofie Sandager Rønnedal

The discussion of the right to keep and bear arms has been a growing issue in American society during the past two decades. This article examines the origin of the right and whether it is still relevant in contemporary American society. It is found that the Second Amendment was written for two main reasons: to protect the people of the frontier from wildlife and foreign as well as native enemies, and to ensure the citizen militia being armed and ready to fight for a country with a deep-rooted mistrust of a standing army and a strongly centralized government. As neither of these reasons have applied to American society for at least the past century, it is concluded that American society has changed immensely since the Second Amendment was ratified in 1791, and that the original purpose of the right to keep and bear arms thus has been outdated long ago.


2018 ◽  
pp. 19-55
Author(s):  
Adrián Félix

Chapter 2 examines how Mexican migrants enunciate transnational citizenship as they navigate the naturalization process in the United States. This chapter treats naturalization—the so-called political baptism of migrants—as the first stage of the migrant political life cycle insofar as this is the moment where migrants contest state scripts of singular loyalty. Drawing on a political ethnography of the naturalization process and the citizenship classroom, this chapter captures Mexican migrants’ mythologies of citizenship as they collectively expose the central contradictions of U.S. citizenship and constitutionalism. The bureaucratic arbitrariness and institutional discrimination that Mexican migrants perceive throughout the naturalization process infuse their mythologies of citizenship and inform their alternative enunciations of transnational political membership and belonging. When naturalization is sought in response to an antimigrant context, the so-called political baptism of Mexican migrants may in effect mark the political birth of transnational citizens.


1980 ◽  
Vol 82 ◽  
pp. 181-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon White

Demobilized soldiers have been widely regarded, by political analysts and politicians alike, as a distinctive political group of considerable importance. Politicians in a number of countries have been acutely aware of the ambiguous potential of ex-soldiers and have striven to mobilize them under their own colours. In several western countries, notably the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia, veterans' organizations have often been a powerful bulwark of conservatism, advocating the virile values of patriotism, sanctifying the status quo and supporting the political forces of the right. During the Vietnam War, on the other hand, the anti-war movement in the United States realized the political potential of Vietnam veterans and effectively mobilized a section of them in opposition to official war policy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document