scholarly journals Assembly Elections of India, 2021: Revisiting Assam

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-28
Author(s):  
Pranjit Kumar Sarma ◽  
Rituparna Bhattacharyya

In India,  Assembly Elections were held in Assam, West Bengal, Kerela, Tamil Nadu and Puducherry in the first half of 2021. Driving this study is an attempt to analyse the election results of the state of Assam where Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allies, Mitrajot or National Democratic Alliance (NDA), successfully defeated the Indian National Congress (INC), and its allies, Mahajot (Grand Alliance). Drawing primarily upon secondary data and applying GIS techniques, the study makes a critical analogy of how Mitrajot managed to accomplish victory. This is a solicited article. Submitted: 10 May 2021; Accepted: 24 June 2021.

Author(s):  
R. Thirunavukkarasu

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) may be an insignificant entity in the electoral arena of Tamil Nadu as the party won only one seat in the 2014 parliamentary elections. However, its efforts to expand its support base in the state where ideologically hostile political dispensations have near hegemonic presence demand a thorough scrutiny. BJP’s endeavours to expand by vernacularizing itself are arguably met with resistance, yet the party’s desperation to project itself as a Tamilized Hindutva party must be dissected. While tracing the genealogy of the BJP’s electoral performance and its modus operandi to expand its support base, this chapter elaborates a two-way process of ‘vernacularization’ and ‘pan-Indianization’.


Subject Forthcoming state elections. Significance Legislative assembly elections in West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Assam and Kerala states, and the Union Territory of Puducherry, will be held between April 4 and May 19. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is a strong contender only in Assam. The overall results will have a significant bearing on his economic reform agenda. Impacts A communal campaign by the BJP in West Bengal would prevent an alliance with the TMC. The GST and land reform bills will not pass until parliamentary gridlock ends. Poor showing in forthcoming polls will dampen investor confidence in Modi.


Subject The movement to create a separate Gorkhaland out of West Bengal state. Significance After Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government last month abrogated Jammu and Kashmir’s special constitutional status, and divided the state into two union territories, speculation grew that the Modi administration might try to hive off West Bengal state’s Gorkhaland region, currently administered by a semi-autonomous Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA). Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is aiming to strengthen its position in West Bengal, currently governed by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s All India Trinamool Congress (TMC). Impacts Agitation in Gorkhaland could set back tourism, a major source of income for the area, and India’s tea industry, a major employer there. The alleged exclusion of 100,000 Gorkhas from Assam state’s National Register of Citizens may hurt the BJP’s image in northern West Bengal. Gorkha politicians who have turned to the BJP may desert the party if higher-level officials continue to prevaricate over Gorkhaland.


Significance The National Democratic Alliance (NDA), led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), retained a majority in Assam and won in Puducherry. It fared less well elsewhere: the BJP failed to gain power in West Bengal, despite campaigning especially hard there. Impacts Violence in West Bengal involving rival supporters will likely continue for several more weeks. BJP strategists will now focus on the 2022 Uttar Pradesh election, determined to ensure the party holds power in that key state. Congress, India’s main opposition party, faces a deepening crisis of confidence after its underwhelming poll performance.


Foreign Direct Investments (FDIs) are welcomed by various host countries with multiple objectives such as capital infusion, technological up-gradation and managerial know-how. This measure is carried out at substantial cost of offering various incentives in terms of providing land for industrial investments, supply of uninterrupted power, ensuring problem free labour relation environment etc. These measures are taken by any government on a basis which will have a specific time frame, in order to not let investment become a drain on the economy of the host country. This study intends to evaluate the impact of FDI on the economic growth of India and in the state of Tamil Nadu, the most industrialised and urbanised economy in India. With proactive governance and path breaking policy initiatives and structural reforms, the state has emerged as one of the leading industrialised states of India. The period of this study has been taken for ten years from 2008-09 to 2018-19. The data on the inflow of FDI during this period and the flow of FDI from various source countries have been collected along with the data on various economic parameters pertaining to infrastructure such Gross National Income (GNI), Net National Income (NNI) and Per Capita Net National Income (PCNI). The data collected for the study are entirely the secondary data published by both the state and central governments. The analysed results of the study reveal that the inflow of FDI into India during the study period has been consistent and been growing significantly, as the economy of the country and the dynamic transformation of global economy demanded. This inflow of FDIs has consistently created a positive impact on the economic indicators, making it an essential factor to be very attentively looked after for a sustained growth.


Author(s):  
Barnali Mitra (Sinha) ◽  
Deb Prakash Pahari

Urbanisation is one of the most significant development process affecting the modern world particularly the developing countries. However, often the pattern and level of urban development are highly variable both spatially and temporally. Barasat subdivision comprises the sadar subdivision of the district of North 24 Parganas in West Bengal. This district traditionally has a glorious history of urbanisation being much higher than both the state and national averages. Within the district, this subdivision has shown a slow and steady growth of urbanisation since independence. Although the percentage of urban population has remained below the district average it has been significantly higher than the state and national average. The study aims to find out the trends, levels of urbanisation and spatio-temporal pattern of urbanisation in the study area using quantitative and qualitative techniques. Mostly secondary data sources have been used. The study reveals that there are significant spatio-temporal variation in levels of urbanisation within the subdivision. The subdivision was overshadowed in the urban scenario mainly due to the overwhelming presence of neighbouring Barrackpore subdivision till 1981. The situation has significantly altered after Barasat being declared the district headquarter in 1986.


Author(s):  
K. Kalidas ◽  
K. Mahendran ◽  
K. Akila

The study was undertaken to know the growth rate, instability, and contribution of area and yield on the production of coconut. The study was based on the secondary data for the period of 19 years (2001 – 2019) for India as well as Tamil Nadu. India is the leading producer of coconut globally 21.38 billion nuts and in the country, Tamil Nadu has the major share in area and production with 5.31 billion nuts. The pace of agricultural development of the country can be estimated through compound annual growth rate, instability is measured using Coppocks instability index and contribution of area and yield on production is studied using decomposition analysis. Results revealed that coconut growth is found to be positive in India as well as in Tamil Nadu, the production of coconut in the country is significantly positive (0.74 percent), but in the state, it is in decline trend (2.48 percent). The trend of productivity seems positive and similar at both the country and state level. Instability index is higher in terms of area (12.71 percent) than production (2.86 percent) and productivity (2.89 percent). Area effect was most responsible (138.2 percent  and 98.3 percent) for the production of coconut than yield effect in both the country as well as the state.


Author(s):  
Paul D. Kenny

This chapter examines how India’s patronage-based system became unstable, connecting the increase in broker autonomy that followed Nehru’s death in 1964 to a shift in partisan control away from the Congress at the subnational level. The increase in broker autonomy following Nehru’s death was subtle but highly significant. With the separation of the dual government and party authority that had allowed Nehru to arbitrate between competing factions at the state level, Congress factions could compete more openly and prosper as distinct parties, resulting in the fragmentation of the patronage network between center and periphery. This left the Congress party in control at the center but in opposition in several of India’s most populous states. The chapter argues that the crisis of the Congress system was driven by the de facto removal of central control over the subnational units of the party that followed Nehru’s death rather than economic decline.


Author(s):  
Udayon Misra

In the 1940s, the issues of immigration, land, and identity gained an urgency that had never been witnessed before. Under the different ministries led by Syed Muhammad Saadulla, immigration of Muslim peasants from East Bengal received a new impetus from the 1930s onwards, and the issue of land became a contentious one. Following the All India Muslim League’s Lahore Resolution of 1940, the issue of immigration acquired grave political overtones and became inextricably linked with the question of land and the identity of the indigenous Assamese and tribal populations. The details from the Assam Legislative Assembly debates reveal the diametrically opposite positions held by the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League on immigration, land, and identity. During this time the question of identity came to occupy a central place, and an attempt to do away with administrative measures such as the Line System created a highly explosive situation in the state.


2014 ◽  
Vol 112 (751) ◽  
pp. 131-136
Author(s):  
Ronojoy Sen

[T]he principal opposition party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), seems much better positioned than the Indian National Congress to win power in this year's elections.


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