Resolution of the Hungarian language puzzle in Central Europe

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miklós Banai
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gábor Tolcsvai Nagy

AbstractThe paper discusses the post-1990 historical developments in Central Europe as a specific instantiation of postcolonialism, particularly in the linguistic domain. After the severe communist rule and Soviet military occupation in most countries (which enjoyed a non-typical colonial status), this region was freed, but many socio-cultural features of culture, language policy, language use, and everyday communication activities show that many forms practiced during the colonial period are still maintained. These remnants show a certain postcolonial way of life in the region. The paper first surveys the literature, discussing the validity of the notion of postcolonialism for the given period in Central Europe. In the second part, general postcolonial features pertaining to the Hungarian language community are introduced. These features are detailed first focusing on the developments in Hungary, then on the minority Hungarian communities across the border around Hungary. Factors are presented including communicative systems, language policy, language variants, reflection, and self-reflection on the language community and identification, language rights, and public education, with attention paid to adherence to colonial schemas and the quick transition to postmodern communication forms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Bölcskei ◽  
Gábor Gercsák ◽  
Gábor Miskey

Where is Abbázia? Results of a questionnaire survey on the use of Hungarian exonyms The paper attempts to examine the current use of exonyms in the Hungarian language based on a questionnaire survey. The survey tested the knowledge of exonyms indicating places (i) in the area of the historical Hungary, (ii) in parts of Central Europe and (iii) in areas beyond our region; the tendencies in exonym use according to communicative situations (cf. the use of place names on maps, in official documents, in everyday communication, in the mother tongue and in an English language environment); and the social attitudes towards exonyms. Although the survey does not work with representative data, the results are expressive. The survey suggests that the use of exo-nyms in present-day Hungary is affected by ideological as well as linguistic factors. Most of the respondents chose the Hungarian name forms (i.e. the exonyms) consistently and accurately in the questionnaire, especially when historically well-established Hungarian name forms were tested; others remarked that if they knew the appropriate Hungarian names, they would use them. Acceptance of or favour for the ‘foreign names’ (i.e. the endonyms) could only be observed sporadically in the survey. Higher age and qualification, as well as neutral or even conservative attitudes in language use, seem to contribute to the preference for using Hungarian name forms, whenever it is possible. Linguistic factors such as language environment, spelling conventions and rules for suffixation also influence the choice of names. It is important to note, however, that there might be significant differ-ences in the currency of the Hungarian name forms; thus, well-known and little-known Hungarian exonyms can only be distinguished if the names are tested individually.


Politeja ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (8 (31/2)) ◽  
pp. 45-65
Author(s):  
László Marácz

The paper will adopt the position that language is an intrinsic and largely non‑negotiable part of individual culture and identity. The recognition of one’s own language receives more and more support in international political and institutional frameworks. The promotion of linguistic diversity is the official policy of the European Union. Due to such policies, it is to be expected that languages will remain in contact in the context of all sorts of levels of governance. In order to manage linguistic diversity in multilingual and multicultural areas, the introduction of a global regime of language policies is unavoidable. These policies will need to satisfy transnational requirements and conditions, like universal human rights and the norms and standards of Europeanization set by the EU, OSCE, Council of Europe, and so on. However, because there are manifold connections between language and power, as we know from the work of political scientists such as Pierre Bourdieu, and sociolinguists such as Peter Nelde, that a language element is always a part of intergroup conflict. Hence, it is to be expected that language policies will be subject to power conflicts and hegemonic strives. In order to support my claim, I will analyze the language policies of states with Hungarian language minorities in Central Europe, particularly Romania, Slovakia, Serbia (Vojvodina), and Ukraine (Trans‑Carpathia). The policies can be studied in terms of concrete variables, like individual/collective rights, territorial rearrangements, thresholds, the Language Charter, multilingual education, the linguistic landscape, and so on. The range in which these variables are instantiated is determined by local politics; hence, it is a case of the politics of language policy.


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