Black, Indigenous, People of Color, and International Students: Experiences and Resolutions Beyond COVID-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 111 (3) ◽  
pp. 384-386
Author(s):  
Hassanatu Blake ◽  
Nashira Brown ◽  
Claudia Follette ◽  
Jessica Morgan ◽  
Hairui Yu
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-258
Author(s):  
Jingzhou Liu

AbstractChinese international students are vital to internationalization development in Canadian higher education, providing immediate and significant social and economic benefits to Canadian society. The existing scholarly studies have primarily adopted a cultural approach, with a focus on intercultural adaptation or related cross-cultural perspectives. This study goes beyond the cultural approach and examines how race, gender, and class intersect in producing social inequality among Chinese international students in Canada. Through the narratives of five students attending higher education institutions in British Columbia, the study reveals that Chinese international students have experienced discrimination in relation to developing friendship, integrating to the learning environment, and accessing supports and resources on campus based on the color of skin, their gender, and misperception of their class. The color line divides them into the “dominant white” and “people of color.” Color blindness negates their racial identities and ignores the ways in which these affect their learning experiences. The findings of this research call for an intersectional approach to examine international students and their lived experiences by addressing students’ multiple identities and differences to enrich their lived experience in Canada.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2/3) ◽  
pp. 460-480
Author(s):  
Erin Hipple ◽  
Lauren Reid ◽  
Shanna Williams ◽  
Judelysse Gomez ◽  
Clare Peyton ◽  
...  

This article discusses the ways that four educators experience the impacts of white supremacy in classroom spaces. We discuss the ways we navigate the tension created when we desire to foster antiracist spaces but are required to work within an academic system that is underpinned by white supremacy. Using tenets of Griot storytelling, we describe our points of origin, provide narrative examples of student interactions, and detail the reflexive lenses through which we processed these interactions. Our narratives specifically seek to center Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) and discuss the ways that our training and education has limited our ability to support them in academic spaces. We conclude with an invitation for the reader to sit with us in this space of tension, and some reflexive questions to consider as we exist in this space together. We hope to offer this as a way to continue dismantling the internalizations of supremacy. We also offer this as an opportunity to move away from the problem-solving mentality often applied to issues of racism in favor of fostering a continued, collective healing from the wounds created for all of us by white supremacist systems.


2020 ◽  
pp. 107780042096016
Author(s):  
Lisette E. Torres

This critical autoethnography, informed by Critical Race Theory (CRT), intersectionality, and DisCrit, explores the lived experience of a disabled Latina mother-scholar during COVID-19. She uses meditation to think about macroscopic conceptions of independence and time, asking how COVID-19 has changed the way she relates to others and her scholarship. In the process of journaling and engaging in different evocative prompts, she has visceral responses to the death of George Floyd, the Black Lives Matter (BLM) Movement, and the suffering of Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) communities. The author realizes that contemplative methodologies should center collective care and mending to “let go” of White supremacy, ableism, and sexism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Della V. Mosley ◽  
Kirsten A. Gonzalez ◽  
Roberto L. Abreu ◽  
Nahal C. Kaivan

2021 ◽  
pp. 144-175
Author(s):  
Catherine Compton-Lilly ◽  
Rebecca Rogers ◽  
Tisha Lewis Ellison

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jillian Fish ◽  
Rafael Aguilera ◽  
Ighedosa E. Ogbeide ◽  
Darien J. Ruzzicone ◽  
Moin Syed

Objectives: During an increasingly hostile social and political climate for ethnic-racial minorities, psychologists have begun to question the extent to which Indigenous People and People of Color (IPPOC) see one another as in the same boat (Rivas-Drake & Bañales, 2018). Consequently, the present mixed-methods study examines allyship as a potential politicized collective identity and its associations with ethnic identity, personality traits, and political engagement among IPPOC. Method: The present study was conducted across two samples in August 2016 (n = 256) and 2017 (n = 305). Participants were administered a questionnaire including measures of ally identity, ethnic identity, personality traits, and quantitative and qualitative measures of political engagement. Results: EFA and CFA findings suggest a two- factor solution for ally identity (ally beliefs and behaviors). For Sample 1, findings from the path analysis suggest 1) ethnic identity exploration predicts ally beliefs and behaviors (Model 1), 2) extraversion predicts ally behaviors, while agreeableness and neuroticism predicts ally beliefs (Model 2), and 3) ally beliefs and behaviors predict awareness, while ethnic identity exploration predicts involvement in political action (Model 3), even when personality traits are considered (Model 4). For Sample 2, findings were similar with some notable variations. Thematic analysis findings suggest IPPOC are politically engaged through social media, individual actions, protests, and civic engagement. Conclusions: There is no one pathway to sociopolitical engagement, as elements of ethnic and ally identity provide different paths to sociopolitical awareness and involvement, with ethnic identity exploration being a particularly powerful mechanism for allyship and sociopolitical action.


Author(s):  
Mark Harris

On January 7, 1835 a group of landowners, artisans, soldiers, and peasants stormed Belém, the capital of the Amazon region. Now known as the Cabanagem, this rebellion occurred during a time of social upheaval in not just Pará but also Brazil. On that first day a prominent landowner, Felix Malcher, was released from prison and declared the new president by popular proclamation. The administration in Rio refused to recognize him, despite his statement of allegiance to the Empire of Brazil. Soon factions erupted, aligned with differences between the local elites and their poorer allies; Malcher and a subsequent president were killed. After battles with imperial forces the third rebel president, Eduardo Angelim, was adopted by a victorious crowd in August 1835. The capital reverted to imperial hands on May 13, 1836; however, the rebellion had not been quelled as the rest of the region became embroiled in conflict. As it developed, ethnic and class alliances changed, and the battles continued for four more years. While rebels gradually lost towns and fortified rural encampments, they were never defeated militarily. Organized attacks continued until a general amnesty was granted to all rebels by Emperor Pedro II in July 1840. The Cabanagem, which involved indigenous people, was a broad and fragile alliance composed of different interests with an international dimension. Radical liberal ideas brought together those living in rural and urban districts and appealed to long-standing animosities against distant control by outsiders, the inconsistent use of the law to protect all people, and compulsory labor regimes that took people away from their families and lands. Yet the regency administration feared the break-up of the newly independent Brazil. The violent pacification of the region was justified by portraying the movement as a race war, dominated by “people of color” incapable of ruling themselves.


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