scholarly journals Disrupting the Pedagogy of Hypocrisy

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2/3) ◽  
pp. 460-480
Author(s):  
Erin Hipple ◽  
Lauren Reid ◽  
Shanna Williams ◽  
Judelysse Gomez ◽  
Clare Peyton ◽  
...  

This article discusses the ways that four educators experience the impacts of white supremacy in classroom spaces. We discuss the ways we navigate the tension created when we desire to foster antiracist spaces but are required to work within an academic system that is underpinned by white supremacy. Using tenets of Griot storytelling, we describe our points of origin, provide narrative examples of student interactions, and detail the reflexive lenses through which we processed these interactions. Our narratives specifically seek to center Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) and discuss the ways that our training and education has limited our ability to support them in academic spaces. We conclude with an invitation for the reader to sit with us in this space of tension, and some reflexive questions to consider as we exist in this space together. We hope to offer this as a way to continue dismantling the internalizations of supremacy. We also offer this as an opportunity to move away from the problem-solving mentality often applied to issues of racism in favor of fostering a continued, collective healing from the wounds created for all of us by white supremacist systems.

2020 ◽  
pp. 107780042096016
Author(s):  
Lisette E. Torres

This critical autoethnography, informed by Critical Race Theory (CRT), intersectionality, and DisCrit, explores the lived experience of a disabled Latina mother-scholar during COVID-19. She uses meditation to think about macroscopic conceptions of independence and time, asking how COVID-19 has changed the way she relates to others and her scholarship. In the process of journaling and engaging in different evocative prompts, she has visceral responses to the death of George Floyd, the Black Lives Matter (BLM) Movement, and the suffering of Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) communities. The author realizes that contemplative methodologies should center collective care and mending to “let go” of White supremacy, ableism, and sexism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 233264922110184
Author(s):  
Pawan Dhingra

Discussions of white supremacy focus on patterns of whites’ stature over people of color across institutions. When a minority group achieves more than whites, it is not studied through the lens of white supremacy. For example, arguments of white supremacy in K-12 schools focus on the disfranchisement of African Americans and Latinxs. Discussions of high-achieving Asian American students have not been framed as such and, in fact, can be used to argue against the existence of white privilege. This article explains why this conception is false. White supremacy can be active even when people of color achieve more than whites. Drawing from interviews and observations of mostly white educators in Boston suburbs that have a significant presence of Asian American students, I demonstrate that even when Asian Americans outcompete whites in schools, white supremacy is active through two means. First, Asian Americans are applauded in ways that fit a model minority stereotype and frame other groups as not working hard enough. Second and more significantly, Asian Americans encounter anti-Asian stereotypes and are told to assimilate into the model of white educators. This treatment is institutionalized within the school system through educators’ practices and attitudes. These findings somewhat support but mostly contrast the notion of “honorary whiteness,” for they show that high-achieving minorities are not just tools of white supremacy toward other people of color but also targets of it themselves. Understanding how high-achieving minorities experience institutionalized racism demonstrates the far reach of white supremacy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Gilda L. Ochoa

By 10 January 2017, activists in the predominately Latina/o working class city of La Puente, California had lobbied the council to declare the city a sanctuary supporting immigrants, people of color, Muslims, LGBTQ people, and people with disabilities. The same community members urged the school district to declare itself a sanctuary. While community members rejoiced in pushing elected officials to pass these inclusive resolutions, there were multiple roadblocks reducing the potential for more substantive change. Drawing on city council and school board meetings, resolutions and my own involvement in this sanctuary struggle, I focus on a continuum of three overlapping and interlocking manifestations of white supremacist heteronormative patriarchy: neoliberal diversity discourses, institutionalized policies, and a re-emergence of high-profiled white supremacist activities. Together, these dynamics minimized, contained and absorbed community activism and possibilities of change. They reinforced the status quo by maintaining limits on who belongs and sustaining intersecting hierarchies of race, immigration status, gender, and sexuality. This extended case adds to the scant scholarship on the current sanctuary struggles, including among immigration scholars. It also illustrates how the state co-opts and marginalizes movement language, ideas, and people, providing a cautionary tale about the forces that restrict more transformative change.


2021 ◽  
Vol 111 (3) ◽  
pp. 384-386
Author(s):  
Hassanatu Blake ◽  
Nashira Brown ◽  
Claudia Follette ◽  
Jessica Morgan ◽  
Hairui Yu

Author(s):  
Sean L. Malloy

This chapter argues that the key to the theory and practice of the Black Panther Party (BPP) during its early years was an understanding of urban black neighborhoods as colonized spaces that needed to be liberated before African Americans could truly be free. Drawing from Frantz Fanon, Mao Zedong, Che Guevara, and pioneering black internationalists such as Malcolm X and Robert F. Williams, the Panthers embraced a form of revolutionary nationalism that posited the dire conditions facing black Oaklanders as part of a worldwide system of oppression linked to capitalism and white supremacy. In doing so, the BPP's founders built directly on their experiences with other organizations, particularly the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), as well as lessons drawn from the daily lives of people of color in the Bay Area.


Author(s):  
Fred Carroll

The United States' entry into World War II led the federal government to renew its surveillance and censorship of black journalists who struck at segregation in wartime. Simultaneously, the white press dismissed black reporters for failing to uphold the doctrine of objectivity. National black newspapers reconciled black protest and white scrutiny by forsaking explicit textual radicalism for a more coded militancy, as illustrated by the “Double V” campaign. Black war correspondents – including Edgar Rouzeau, Deton "Jack" Brooks, Roi Ottley, and George Padmore – praised black troops for their patriotism and sacrifice but also explained how white supremacy structured the lives of people of color elsewhere in the world. By the war's end, black journalists had achieved an uneasy détente with federal officials and white journalists.


Author(s):  
Jack Turner

This chapter cements the notion that Baldwin’s primary tool in combating white supremacy is recognizing the power of the individual to self-create and reshape systems and institutions. Jack Turner’s work is consistent with Baldwin’s challenging of the myths of American liberalism and brings Baldwin into conversation with some of the American Founders. Turner argues that Baldwin is in favor of individuals divesting from white supremacist institutions and ideology because participating in a racist economy implicates one in an unjust society. Voluntary dispossession is a political move par excellence according to Turner, signifying a refusal to participate in the impoverishment of African Americans. Turner’s work ties together Baldwin’s views on political action, religious thought, and individualism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 96 ◽  
pp. 122-144
Author(s):  
Karina L. Cespedes

AbstractThis article examines Cuba's long process of gradual emancipation (from 1868–1886) and the continual states of bondage that categorize the afterlife of Cuban slavery. The article addresses deferred freedom, re-enslavement, and maintenance of legal states of bondage in the midst of “freedom.” It contends with the legacy of the casta system, the contradictions within the Moret Law of 1870, which “half-freed” children but not their mothers, and it analyzes the struggle for full emancipation after US occupation, with the thwarted attempt of forming the Partido Independiente de Color to enfranchise populations of color. The article argues that the desire to control the labor of racialized populations, and in particular the labor of black and indigenous women and children, unified Cuban and US slaveholders determined to detain emancipation; and provides an analysis of the re-enslavement of US free people of color at the end of the nineteenth century, kidnapped and brought to the Cuba as a method of bolstering slavery. The article draws on the scholarship of Saidiya Hartman and Shona Jackson to provide an assessment of the afterlife of Cuban slavery, the invisibility of indigenous labor, the hypervisibility of African labor in the Caribbean deployed to maintain white supremacy, and it critiques the humanizing narrative of labor as a means for freedom in order to address the ways in which, for racialized populations in Cuba, wage labor would emerge as a tool of oppression. The article raises an inquiry into the historiography on Cuban slavery to provide a critique of the invisibility of indigenous and African women and children. It also considers the role and place of sexual exchanges/prostitution utilized to obtain freedom and to finance self-manumission, alongside the powerful narratives of the social and sexual deviancy of black women that circulated within nineteenth-century Cuba.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (7) ◽  
pp. 741-747
Author(s):  
Kecia Thomas ◽  
Leslie Ashburn-Nardo

PurposeThe aim of the study is to revisit the importance of Black Lives Matter (BLM) and to encourage more attention to White supremacy in the academy, especially with regards to the development and mentoring of graduate students.Design/methodology/approachThe study reflects on the urgency of the BLM movement given the death of George Floyd and others.FindingsThe article highlights the ways in which the training and development of graduate students can reinforce systems of exclusion and marginalization while reinforcing existing systems of privilege and the status quo. The essay concludes with recommendations for creating greater systems of inclusion for programs, departments and higher education institutions.Practical implicationsRecommendations are given to initiate culture change.Originality/valueThis is a follow-up to the 2017 special issue.


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