Political Accountability and Democratic Institutions: An Experimental Assessment

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jose G. Castillo ◽  
John Hamman

Author(s):  
José Gabriel Castillo ◽  
John Hamman

Abstract We study the extent to which centralized democratic institutions enhance collective action under political accountability. In a public goods game with costly punishment, we vary the appointment of one group member to enforce punishment. Specifically, we compare democratically elected punishers to those appointed exogenously, under both single- and multiple-selection environments. We find that democratically appointed sanctioning authority has muted effects on group outcomes; yet, they contribute as much as other group members when facing repeated elections, as opposed to the ones in single selection or exogenously appointed. One important feature of modern governance to discipline authorities is political accountability; when in place, it offers different incentives, and in particular, we observe a responsibility effect reflected in higher contribution behavior. Important in our study results, this effect rises only under a democracy.



2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 14-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tommaso Bertolotti ◽  
Emanuele Bardone ◽  
Lorenzo Magnani

This paper analyzes the impact of new technologies on a range of practices related to activism. The first section shows how the functioning of democratic institutions can be impaired by scarce political accountability connected with the emergence of moral hazard; the second section displays how cyberactivism can improve the transparency of political dynamics; in the last section the authors turn specifically to cyberactivism and isolate its flaws and some of the most pernicious and self-defeating effects.



Author(s):  
Tommaso Bertolotti ◽  
Emanuele Bardone ◽  
Lorenzo Magnani

This paper analyzes the impact of new technologies on a range of practices related to activism. The first section shows how the functioning of democratic institutions can be impaired by scarce political accountability connected with the emergence of moral hazard; the second section displays how cyberactivism can improve the transparency of political dynamics; in the last section the authors turn specifically to cyberactivism and isolate its flaws and some of the most pernicious and self-defeating effects.



2013 ◽  
Vol 128 (3) ◽  
pp. 1397-1448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Bidner ◽  
Patrick Francois

Abstract When and how do democratic institutions deliver accountable government? In addressing this broad question, we focus on the role played by political norms—specifically, the extent to which leaders abuse office for personal gain and the extent to which citizens punish such transgressions. We show how qualitatively distinct political norms can coexist because of a dynamic complementarity, in which citizens’ willingness to punish transgressions is raised when they expect such punishments to be used in the future. We seek to understand the emergence of accountability by analysing transitions between norms. To do so, we extend the analysis to include the possibility that, at certain times, a segment of voters are (behaviorally) intolerant of transgressions. Our mechanism highlights the role of leaders, offering an account of how their actions can instigate enduring change, within a fixed set of formal institutions, by disrupting prevailing political norms. We show how such changes do not depend on “sun spots” to trigger coordination, and are asymmetric in effect—a series of good leaders can (and eventually will) improve norms, whereas bad leaders cannot damage them.



2020 ◽  
Vol 130 (631) ◽  
pp. 1995-2029
Author(s):  
Jean-Paul Carvalho ◽  
Christian Dippel

Abstract Emancipation of slaves in the 1830s transformed the political elites of the British Caribbean plantation islands. New elites were more accountable to the citizenry. We develop a theory in which two factors limit and possibly reverse the effect of this on political outcomes, with legislators: (i) ‘stepping up’ to pass extractive policies; and/or (ii) weakening democratic institutions. The theory is supported by an historical analysis of ten Caribbean plantation islands, based on original archival data on legislator race, occupation and roll-call voting. Eventually, all assemblies that experienced a significant change in composition dissolved themselves and converted to British ‘Crown Rule’.



2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Williams ◽  
Rick Bradshaw ◽  
Marvin McDonald ◽  
Michael Mariano ◽  
Nadia Larsen


Asian Survey ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 31 (8) ◽  
pp. 683-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Baxter ◽  
Syedur Rahman


2010 ◽  
Vol 151 (15) ◽  
pp. 627-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norbert Wiegand

A lábszártörés az összes csonttörés 15%-a, amely Magyarországon körülbelül 2500 esetet jelent évente. A törést elszenvedettek 90%-át műtéti úton kezeljük. Az utóbbi időkben a lábszártörések incidenciája emelkedett, a törések súlyossága fokozódott, valamint az egyre fejlettebb műtéti ellátások ellenére a szövődmények arányát sem sikerült minimálisra csökkenteni. A nyílt lábszártöröttek ellátása a felfúrás nélküli velőűrszeg bevezetését követően lényegesen megváltozott, a velőűrszegezés fokozatosan vette át a vezető szerepet az egyre magasabb fokú nyílt törések ellátásában, és alkalmassá vált a tibia proximalis és distalis harmada töréseinek kezelésére is. Új eljárásként a Marchetti–Vicenzi-szeget hazánkban elsőként alkalmaztuk klinikánkon, ezzel a módszerrel a tibia törései, különösen a distalis harmadi törések megbízhatóan, alacsony szövődményaránnyal rögzíthetők. A lábszárbrace és a felfúrás nélküli szegezés együttes alkalmazását 1997-ben dolgoztuk ki, bebizonyítottuk, hogy ezzel a módszerrel a lábszártörések gyógyulása gyorsabb, a rehabilitáció rövidebb időt vesz igénybe. A szövődmények klinikai kutatása során bebizonyítottuk, hogy a felfúrásos és a felfúrás nélküli szegezés során különböző mértékben változik a nyomás a tibiát körülvevő izomrekeszekben. Felfúrás nélküli szegezés során a mély rekeszben statisztikailag is magasabb nyomást mértünk. Az irodalmi adatokkal szemben igazoltuk, hogy nincs összefüggés a szegezés módja, a rekeszi nyomás emelkedése és a compartmentszindróma kialakulása között. A szövődmények alapkutatása során a compartmentszindrómás és Volkmann ischaemiás kontraktúrás betegek kóros harántcsíkolt izomszövetének differenciál pásztázó kalorimetriás vizsgálatát végeztük. Igazoltuk, hogy az ép és a keringésében károsodott izomszövet hőstabilitásában különbség van. Bebizonyítottuk, hogy az izomrekeszen belüli nyomás mértéke, a sérült izom strukturális károsodása és a kalorimetriával mért termokémiai értékei között szoros korreláció van. A kalorimetriás vizsgálat szenzitivitásának és specificitásának köszönhetően nagymértékben segítheti és kiegészítheti a helyes diagnózis felállítását azokban az esetekben, amikor az klinikailag nem egyértelmű.



Author(s):  
Joseph Chan

Since the very beginning, Confucianism has been troubled by a serious gap between its political ideals and the reality of societal circumstances. Contemporary Confucians must develop a viable method of governance that can retain the spirit of the Confucian ideal while tackling problems arising from nonideal modern situations. The best way to meet this challenge, this book argues, is to adopt liberal democratic institutions that are shaped by the Confucian conception of the good rather than the liberal conception of the right. The book examines and reconstructs both Confucian political thought and liberal democratic institutions, blending them to form a new Confucian political philosophy. The book decouples liberal democratic institutions from their popular liberal philosophical foundations in fundamental moral rights, such as popular sovereignty, political equality, and individual sovereignty. Instead, it grounds them on Confucian principles and redefines their roles and functions, thus mixing Confucianism with liberal democratic institutions in a way that strengthens both. The book then explores the implications of this new yet traditional political philosophy for fundamental issues in modern politics, including authority, democracy, human rights, civil liberties, and social justice. The book critically reconfigures the Confucian political philosophy of the classical period for the contemporary era.



2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
Christos Kollias ◽  
Panayiotis Tzeremes

Abstract The economic and social drivers of democratisation and the emergence and establishment of democratic institutions are longstanding themes of academic discourse. Within this broad body of literature, it has been argued that the process of urbanisation is also conducive to the emergence and consolidation of democracy through a number of different channels. Cities offer better access to education and facilitate organised public action and the demand for more democratic rule and respect of human rights. The nexus between urbanisation and human rights is the theme that is taken up in the present paper. Using a sample of 123 countries for the period 1981–2011, the paper examines empirically the association between urbanisation and human empowerment using the Cingranelli-Richards Index. In broad terms, the findings reported herein do not point to a strong nexus across all income groups. Nevertheless, there is evidence suggesting the presence of such a statistically significant positive association in specific cases.



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