De Katholieke Vlaamse Landsbond. Deel 2

2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-171
Author(s):  
Lode Wils
Keyword(s):  
Small Businesses ◽  
Professional Associations ◽  
National Union ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Member Of Parliament

Onlangs werd het verslagboek 1919-1925 ontdekt van de Katholieke Vlaamse Landsbond. Dat was de bundeling van arrondissementele verbonden waarmee flaminganten onder de leiding van volksvertegenwoordiger Frans Van Cauwelaert in heel het Vlaamse land de katholieke partij in handen wilden nemen, om de Nederlandse eentaligheid van Vlaanderen aan de overheden op te leggen. Het zou duren tot 1936 vooraleer de partij in België officieel georganiseerd werd op federale basis, maar daardoor zou de KVL dan zijn betekenis verliezen.  Intussen was een belangrijk deel van de aanhang, vooral uit de intellectuele burgerij, overgestapt naar de nationalisten, hoewel de KVL zijn houding had geradicaliseerd om dat te voorkomen. De beroepsorganisaties van christelijke arbeiders, boeren en middenstanders waren de belangrijkste ondersteuners, waarmee de KVL intussen haar oorspronkelijk programma had kunnen doorvoeren.________The Catholic Flemish National UnionRecently the book including the minutes of the Catholic Flemish National Union (KVL) for 1919-1925 was discovered. The Catholic Flemish Nation Union was the gathering of the district-based unions that the supporters of the Flemish Movement under the leadership of Member of Parliament Frans Van Cauwelaert wanted to take over in order to impose Dutch on the authorities as the single language in Flanders. The party was not officially organised on a federal basis in Belgium until 1936, and for this reason the KVL would then lose its significance. Meanwhile a large number of its supporters, in particular those from the intellectual middle classes had transferred its allegiance to the nationalists, in spite of the fact that the KVL had radicalised its stance in order to prevent this. The professional associations of Christian workers, farmers and small businesses constituted the main supporters, with whom the KVL could have carried out its original programme.

scholarly journals ‘The Sheep and the Goats’: Interwar Women Journalists, the Society of Women Journalists, and the Woman Journalist

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Lonsdale
Keyword(s):  
Professional Associations ◽  
World War ◽  
National Union ◽  
Women Journalists ◽  
The Public ◽  
Gender Barriers ◽  
Media Messages ◽  
Symbolic Annihilation ◽  
Women's Lives ◽  
The Public Sphere

By the outbreak of the Second World War, women made up approximately 20 per cent of journalists in Britain, doubling their participation in mainstream journalism since the turn of the twentieth century. They were mostly employed by women’s magazines, were precariously freelance or confined to the newspaper ‘women’s page’, and faced resistance from the powerful National Union of Journalists, which imposed limitations on women’s access to newspaper newsrooms. Women journalists had emerged from the First World War with prominent bylines on popular newspaper leader pages; however, many women struggled to maintain their elevated status through the interwar years and either retreated into, or were pushed back into, the women’s sections. Using content from the Woman Journalist, newspaper and magazine articles, and memoirs, this chapter will examine the role, status, and professional associations of interwar women journalists to piece together their lives and attitudes to work. There is no doubt that, as members of a subjugated group, women journalists faced many struggles, but this chapter will ask whether these struggles were outweighed by the opportunities for adventure and financial independence that journalism offered them. It will also examine whether female journalists’ contributions to interwar newspapers and magazines reinforced media messages limiting women’s lives to ‘hearth and home’, thus contributing to women’s ‘symbolic annihilation’ from the public sphere.1 It will also ask whether the professional organisation, the Society of Women Journalists (SWJ), and its organ, the Woman Journalist, helped women journalists challenge gender barriers or encouraged gender stereotyping in their work.

scholarly journals Capturing resources: The role of professional communities and middle classes in fostering social reforms within Serbia

Sociologija ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo Vukovic
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Professional Associations ◽  
Professional Communities ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Public Resources

In this article, I analyze the role of professionals (as part of the middle classes) and their communities in fostering reforms within the fields of higher education and social protection, and working towards, and supporting, the development of civil society. The analysis is based on the series of studies that explored lawmaking and policy-making processes in the fields of law, employment, social protection, rural development, tax policies and civil society development. The analysis of the work of professional communities, and the course of changes in these fields, indicates that policy networks had a major impact on the public policymaking process. These networks bring together typical representatives of the middle class: professionals, government officials, professional associations, representatives of modern non-governmental organizations, etc. The interests, upon which these networks were based, can be classified into three groups: (1) control of conditions of reproduction of the profession, (2) control of public resources in a given system (which includes, but is not limited to, control of the funding channels) and (3) control of conditions of reproduction of a given system. All these interests have a clear redistributive character, are -in general - focused on the control of public resources and have created an alliance between the middle classes and the elite. Middle classes have participated in the process of making laws and public policies in a way that has deepened the political inequalities, and to phenomena which, by analogy with the process of state capture by the elite, can be recognized as the capture of resources by the middle classes. The analysis points to an important aspect of sluggish social reforms: the lack of enthusiasm among middle classes and professional elite in fostering deep social change which is due to their ideological and redistributive alliances and strategies of ?resources capturing.?

Een “houthakker” moet naar huis. Ward Hermans schrijft zijn familie na 11 november 1918

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 353-369
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
Union Member ◽  
National Union ◽  
Door Zijn ◽  
Forced Labour ◽  
Member Of Parliament ◽  
Good Cause ◽  
Front Movement

De zogenaamde 'Houthakkers van de Orne' waren enkele Vlaamsgezinde frontsoldaten die in 1918 van het oorlogsfront werden verwijderd en naar een (houthakkers)kamp in Normandië werden gezonden. Zij werden pas enkele maanden nà de wapenstilstand van 11 november 1918 gedemilitariseerd. Binnen de Vlaamse beweging werden zij aanzien als martelaren-van-de-goede-zaak, die uitgerekend omwille van hun Vlaamse idealen tot zware arbeid in Franse strafkampen werden verplicht. Het mythische symbool van de 'Vlaamse houthakkers' was het radicaal lid van de Frontbeweging Ward Hermans (1897-1992): mede door zijn bekendheid terzake, werd hij VNV-parlementslid; hij legde daarbij als radicale flamingant een betwist parcours af. Luc Vandeweyer onderzoekt in de bronnenpublicatie van de brieven die Hermans na 11 november 1918 richtte aan zijn familie in Turnhout, Een "houthakker" moet naar huis, het waarheidsgehalte van het slachtofferbeeld dat Hermans’ loopbaan steeds heeft vergezeld als een aureool.________A 'houthakker' needs to go homeThe so-called 'Lumbermen of the Orne' consisted of a number of pro-Flemish frontline soldiers who had been removed from the war front in 1918 to be sent to a (lumbermen’s) camp in Normandy. They were not demilitarized until a few months after the armistice of 11 November 1918. Within the Flemish movement they were regarded as martyrs of the good cause, who – specifically because of their Flemish ideals – had been made to do forced labour in French prison camps. Ward Hermans (1897-1992), the radical member of the Front Movement, was the mythical symbol of the ‘Flemish Lumbermen’: in part because of the reputation he derived from this, he became a VNV-(Flemish National Union) member of Parliament; as a radical supporter of the Flemish movement he thus followed a questionable path. In the source publication of the letters Hermans sent to his family in Turnhout after 11 November 1918, A ‘houthakker’ needs to go home, Luc Vandeweyer investigates the truthfulness of the image of martyrdom that always clung to Hermans’ career like a halo.

Trudeau is likely to climb down on Canada tax shifts

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Climate Policy ◽  
Small Businesses ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Professional Associations ◽  
Business Owners ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
New Democratic Party

Significance The Trudeau government is proposing to limit tax advantages for small businesses in Canada, a move that has ignited widespread concern and criticism from business owners, business and professional associations, provincial premiers, opposition parties and backbench members of parliament within Trudeau's own party. The administration is facing difficulties halfway into its electoral mandate as it tries to implement the activist policy agenda on which it ran in the last election. Impacts Moving left on tax may win support from New Democratic Party voters, but Liberal climate policy remains a major hurdle for progressives. The provincial political landscape is likely to become less favourable to the Liberals before 2019. Trudeau’s personal popularity limits the space for the opposition to rise in the polls.

Building Capacity of the Public Health Education Workforce Through Partnerships

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-59
Author(s):  
Mark Tomita
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Health Disparities ◽  
Health Education ◽  
Public Health Education ◽  
Professional Associations ◽  
State University ◽  
Cd Rom ◽  
The Public ◽  
Prevention Services ◽  
The Usa

The Global Health Disparities CD-ROM Project reaffirmed the value of professional associations partnering with academic institutions to build capacity of the USA public health education workforce to meet the challenges of primary prevention services. The Society for Public Health Education (SOPHE) partnered with the California State University, Chico to produce a CD-ROM that would advocate for global populations that are affected by health disparities while providing primary resources for public health educators to use in programming and professional development. The CD-ROM development process is discussed

Building Capacity of the Public Health Education Workforce Through Partnerships: The Global Health Disparities CD-ROM Project

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-59
Author(s):  
Mark Tomita
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Health Disparities ◽  
Health Education ◽  
Global Health ◽  
Public Health Education ◽  
Professional Associations ◽  
State University ◽  
Cd Rom ◽  
Prevention Services ◽  
The Usa

The Global Health Disparities CD-ROM Project reaffirmed the value of professional associations partnering with academic institutions to build capacity of the USA public health education workforce to meet the challenges of primary prevention services. The Society for Public Health Education (SOPHE) partnered with the California State University, Chico to produce a CD-ROM that would advocate for global populations that are affected by health disparities while providing primary resources for public health educators to use in programming and professional development. The CD-ROM development process is discussed.

Strengthening the Independenceof the Attorneys’ community in Russia: The Demand of the Population and Business, Human capital, and Professional Associations

2015 ◽  
pp. 89-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Kazun
Keyword(s):  
Human Capital ◽  
Nationwide Survey ◽  
Plea Bargaining ◽  
Professional Associations ◽  
Previous Experience ◽  
Legal Services ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Dependent Position

The article analyzes social and economic factors that provide Russian attorneys an opportunity to compensate the institutional weakness of their profession, to protect the independency and effectively defend the interests of the clients. As an indicator of dependent position of attorney we use the proportion of cases with plea bargaining. Using the date of representative nationwide survey of 3317 attorneys in Russia we conclude that the independence of attorney is associated with‘resources for confrontation’: previous experience, client’s demand for legal services, communication with colleagues and membership in professional associations.

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