Acting White or Acting Black: Mixed-Race Adolescents' Identity and Behavior

Author(s):  
Christopher S Ruebeck ◽  
Susan L Averett ◽  
Howard N Bodenhorn

Abstract Although rates of interracial marriage are on the rise, we still know relatively little about the experiences of mixed-race adolescents. In this paper, we examine the identity and behavior of mixed-race (black and white) youth. We find that mixed-race youth adopt both types of behaviors, those that can be empirically characterized as ‘black’ and those that can be characterized as ‘white.’ When we combine both types of behavior, average mixed-race behavior is a combination that is neither white nor black, and the variance in mixed-race behavior is generally greater than the variance in behavior of monoracial adolescents, especially as compared to the black racial group. Adolescence is the time during which there is most pressure to establish an identity, and our results indicate that mixed-race youth are finding their own distinct identities, not necessarily ‘joining’ either monoracial group, but in another sense joining both of them.

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Ruebeck ◽  
Susan Averett ◽  
Howard Bodenhorn

Author(s):  
Naomi Zack

American racial identities change over time and place, as all social constructions do, but they are also stable in historical and generational ways, because people in the same family are usually the same race. This is not the case for mixed race, particularly mixed black and white (MBW). People in mixed-race families belong to different races. Motives from self-interest, to lack of racial solidarity, to a sense of justice could motivate choosing mixed-race identity. Passing for the race others think one is not, and conforming or not, to norms for racial identities raise social and moral questions for members of the unconstructed racial group of mixed-race Americans.


Author(s):  
William T. Miller ◽  
Christina A. Campbell ◽  
Jordan Papp ◽  
Ebony Ruhland

Scholars have presented concerns about potential for racial bias in risk assessments as a result of the inclusion of static factors, such as criminal history in risk assessments. The purpose of this study was to examine the extent to which static factors add incremental validity to the dynamic factors in criminogenic risk assessments. This study examined the Youth Level of Service/Case Management Inventory (YLS/CMI) in a sample of 1,270 youth offenders from a medium-sized Midwestern county between June 2004 and November 2013. Logistic regression was used to determine the predictive validity of the YLS/CMI and the individual contribution of static and dynamic domains of the assessment. Results indicated that the static domain differentially predicted recidivism for Black and White youth. In particular, the static domain was a significant predictor of recidivism for White youth, but this was not the case for Black youth. The dynamic domain significantly predicted recidivism for both Black and White offenders, and static risk factors improved prediction of recidivism for White youth, but not for Black youth.


2010 ◽  
Vol 112 (6) ◽  
pp. 1529-1574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prudence L. Carter

Background/Context One of the most critical functions of a well-integrated school is the development of “culturally flexible” students who, over the course of their social development, effectively navigate diverse social environs such as the workplace, communities, and neighborhoods. Most studies, albeit with some exceptions, have investigated the impact of desegregation on short- and long-term gains in achievement and attainment, as opposed to its impact on intergroup relations. Mixed-race schools are vital not only for bolstering achievement outcomes of previously disadvantaged students but also for promoting social cohesion in a diverse society. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study Specifically, this article examines the difference in cultural flexibility between black and white students enrolled in schools with different racial and ethnic compositions. Cultural flexibility is defined as the propensity to value and move across different cultural and social peer groups and environments. Furthermore, this article provides some insight into how students in different mixed-race and desegregated educational contexts experience their school's social organization and cultural environments, which influence their interactions and academic behaviors. Setting The study was conducted over a 6-month period in four high schools: a majority-minority school and a majority-white school located in a northeastern city, and a majority-minority school and a majority-white school located in a southern city. Research Design Survey data were gathered from a randomly stratified sample of 471 Black and White students attending. In addition, ethnographic notes from weeks of school observations and transcribed interview data from 57 group interviews conducted in the four schools with students in Grades 9–12 complemented the survey research. Data Collection and Analysis Findings reveal significant associations among self-esteem, academic and extracurricular placement, and cultural flexibility for black students. Also, black students in majority-minority schools scored significantly higher on the cultural flexibility scale than those in majority-white schools. Among white students, regional location and academic placement showed statistically significant associations with cultural flexibility. The ethnographic and interview data further explicate why these patterns occurred and illuminate how certain school contextual factors are likely linked to students’ cultural flexibility. Overall, this study's findings highlight some connections between student and school behaviors as they pertain to both students’ and educators’ willingness and ability to realize the visions of racial and ethnic integration wholly.


Author(s):  
Viola M. Lechner

Utilizing stress theories, the author compared the experiences of 113 black and white employees who worked full time and cared for frail parents. Findings revealed that both racial groups had similar caregiving demands and similar levels of personal, social, work, mental, and physical strain. Their sources of environmental support varied. Black employed caregivers felt closer to their parents, whereas white employed caregivers received more assistance in the workplace. The parents of the black caregivers received more formal services. Black caregivers had less disposable income and were less likely to be married. Within-group comparisons indicated that work interferences (late arrivals, early departures, unscheduled days off, and excessive personal telephoning) significantly predicted more fragile mental health for whites and more fragile physical health for blacks. Implications of the findings are discussed.


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