Winning the Argument and Moving the Fight: The Legacy of a Grassroots Humanitarian

Public Voices ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Mary Coleman

The author of this article argues that the two-decades-long litigation struggle was necessary to push the political actors in Mississippi into a more virtuous than vicious legal/political negotiation. The second and related argument, however, is that neither the 1992 United States Supreme Court decision in Fordice nor the negotiation provided an adequate riposte to plaintiffs’ claims. The author shows that their chief counsel for the first phase of the litigation wanted equality of opportunity for historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs), as did the plaintiffs. In the course of explicating the role of a legal grass-roots humanitarian, Coleman suggests lessons learned and trade-offs from that case/negotiation, describing the tradeoffs as part of the political vestiges of legal racism in black public higher education and the need to move HBCUs to a higher level of opportunity at a critical juncture in the life of tuition-dependent colleges and universities in the United States. Throughout the essay the following questions pose themselves: In thinking about the Road to Fordice and to political settlement, would the Justice Department lawyers and the plaintiffs’ lawyers connect at the point of their shared strength? Would the timing of the settlement benefit the plaintiffs and/or the State? Could plaintiffs’ lawyers hold together for the length of the case and move each piece of the case forward in a winning strategy? Who were plaintiffs’ opponents and what was their strategy? With these questions in mind, the author offers an analysis of how the campaign— political/legal arguments and political/legal remedies to remove the vestiges of de jure segregation in higher education—unfolded in Mississippi, with special emphasis on the initiating lawyer in Ayers v. Waller and Fordice, Isaiah Madison

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 442-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine J. Cramer

Higher education in the United States has proud roots in the mission to enable people to engage in self-governance. The current political context is pushing us in another direction. I discuss the context in Wisconsin in particular, and use the challenges there as a reason to consider the civic purposes of political science. Rather than allow the political winds to blow us further into elitism, I argue that we should renew our commitment to educating people for citizenship.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander K. Davis

Ample sociological evidence demonstrates that binary gender ideologies are an intractable part of formal organizations and that transgender issues tend to be marginalized by a wide range of social institutions. Yet, in the last 15 years, more than 200 colleges and universities have attempted to ameliorate such realities by adopting gender-inclusive facilities in which students of any gender can share residential and restroom spaces. What cultural logics motivate these transformations? How can their emergence be reconciled with the difficulty of altering the gender order? Using an original sample of 2,036 campus newspaper articles, I find that support for inclusive facilities frames such spaces as a resource through which an institution can claim improved standing in the field of higher education. This process of engendering reputation allows traditional gender separation in residential arrangements to be overcome, but it also situates institutional responsiveness to transgender issues as a means of enhancing a college or university’s public prestige. This, in turn, produces novel status systems in the field of higher education—albeit ones that perpetuate familiar forms of institutional and cultural exclusion.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (15) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mónica Blanco Jiménez ◽  
Juan Rositas Martínez ◽  
Francisco Javier Jardines Garza

Abstract. Developing interculturally competent students who can compete successfully in the global market is one of the challenges for institutions of higher education in the United States. Some researchers think that Colleges and universities must make a deeper commitment to prepare globally competent graduates. A common assumption is that the processes by which people are educated need to be broadly consistent with the way in which organizationsoperate in a globalizing environment. With this in mind, we turned to managers of Hispanic enterprises to report whether they believed their employees possess the knowledge, skills, attitudes, and experiences deemed necessary for attaining global competency. We developed a questionnaire based on one created by Hunter (2004) to measure global competencies. We sent them to managers of some Hispanic enterprises who are members of the Tucson Hispanic Chamber of Commerce. In our results we found that employees of the Hispanic enterprises that were targeted do not generally have a high level of global competenceaccording to our indicators.Keywords: education, global competence, Hispanic enterprisesResumen. Desarrollar competencias inter-culturales en los estudiantes que tienen que competir con éxito en el mercado global es uno de los retos para las instituciones de educación superior en los Estados Unidos. Algunos investigadores señalan que las universidades deben asumir un compromiso más profundo para preparar de una manera competente a los graduados a nivel mundial. Una propuesta común es que los procesos por  los cuales las personas son educadas deben ser ampliamente consistentes con la manera en que las organizaciones operan en un entorno globalizado. Basado en estas suposiciones en este proyecto de investigación se pregunto a los gerentes de empresas hispanas si consideraban que sus empleados tenían los conocimientos, habilidades, actitudes y experiencias suficientes para considerarlos globalmente competentes. Para esto se desarrollo un cuestionario creado por Hunter (2004) para medir las competencias globales. Se enviaron a los gerentes de algunas empresas hispanas que son miembros de la Cámara de Comercio Hispana e la Cd. De Tucson, Arizona. En los resultados se encontró que los empleados de la gran parte de estas empresas no presentaban un alto nivel de competencias globales de acuerdo a los indicadores mundiales.Palabras clave: competencias globales, educación, empresas hispanas 


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (03) ◽  
pp. 568-572
Author(s):  
Nelson W. Polsby

1. I offer the Court this declaration because I believe that it is helpful for the Court to consider the extent to which the reapportionment process is inescapably political and value-laden. The drawing of district boundaries requires the weighing of many different and often conflicting interests. Any result will be a political result pleasing to some and not to others. Tests that could be used by the courts to manage cases, like this one, in which a partisan group petitions the courts to impose a judicial result in a state in which one political party claims to be disadvantaged by the outcome of the political process, are not neutral but political in their outcomes, and trade-offs between and among the various tests that might be used require the exercise of political judgment.2. In the early 1960s, the United States Supreme Court affirmed the principle that members of Congress must represent districts containing equal numbers ofindividuals(regardless of whether they vote or are even eligible to vote) as measured by the United States census. The application of this standard required only that the courts determine the respective populations of districts, a readily manageable task. The plaintiffs in this case, however, are asking the Court to do something much more difficult, namely protect the interests of one of many political or socialgroups, and have suggested that there may be an ideal degree of collective “effectiveness” of votes cast by a particular group. This is an entirely different matter.


2020 ◽  
Vol 81 (8) ◽  
pp. 394
Author(s):  
Leo S. Lo ◽  
Binky Lush ◽  
Dace Freivaids

March 2020 became a pivoting moment for higher education in the United States, when the COVID-19 pandemic forced colleges and universities to switch to remote delivery of instruction within weeks. The impact of this event is deep and far-reaching. There is already a deluge of articles about how most faculty and students have had to adjust to a new way of teaching and learning--or how administrators have had to brace for financial losses. However, little has been written about the situations librarians and library staff are facing.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 1067-1081
Author(s):  
Scott E. Lemieux

It is widely assumed that the Supreme Court of the United States has established supremacy over contested constitutional questions, with the power to make final determinations of constitutional meaning. Since the 1960s, most scholars have assumed that legislatures and courts are engaged in a power struggle in which countermajoritarian courts can assert their will over majoritarian legislatures. More recently, a new generation of scholarship has demonstrated that judicial power often expands as a result of the willful empowerment of the judiciary by actors in other branches. Most scholars working with the latter framework, however, do not dispute that the United States has a regime of judicial supremacy—they simply see the political empowerment of courts as an explanation for why judicial supremacy has emerged despite the initially weak position of the judiciary. I argue that the insights of the political empowerment literature should be pressed further. It makes little sense to use the general label “judicial supremacy” for a system in which judicial power remains dependent on choices made by other political actors. Examining several cases that are generally seen as canonical examples of assertions of judicial supremacy, I find that courts were unable to settle constitutional debates, and in addition often either were unable to achieve their policy aims or did not actually require other political actors to do anything. The logic of new empirical findings about the sources of judicial power should compel scholars to question whether aggressive assertions of supremacy in judicial opinions are in fact accurate descriptions of how judicial power functions in the United States.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 1007-1008

Sandy Baum of The Urban Institute reviews “The Impoverishment of the American College Student,” by James V. Koch. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: “Explores the reasons for increasing higher education costs, focusing on four-year public colleges and universities in the United States.”


2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Bruyneel

On June 2, 1924, President Calvin Coolidge signed into law the Indian Citizenship Act (ICA), which unilaterally made United States citizens of all indigenous people living in the United States. This new law made citizens of approximately 125,000 of the 300,000 indigenous people in the country (the remainder were already U.S. citizens). Usually, people who have been excluded from American political life see the codi- fication of their citizenship status as an unambiguously positive political development. In the case of indigenous people and U.S. citizenship, however, one cannot find such clear and certain statements. All indigenous people certainly did not look at U.S. citizenship in the same light; in fact, very few saw it as unambiguously positive. This study demonstrates that the indigenous people who engaged the debate over U.S. citizenship came to define themselves, in various ways, as “ambivalent Americans,” neither fully inside nor fully outside the political, legal, and cultural boundaries of the United States. This effort to define a form of ambivalent American-ness reflects a significant tradition in indigenous politics, which involves indigenous political actors working back and forth across the boundaries of American political life to secure rights, resources, and/or sovereignty for the indigenous people they represent.


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