scholarly journals COMPETITIVENESS OF INDONESIAN CRUDE COCONUT OIL EXPORT IN DESTINATION COUNTRIES

Agro Ekonomi ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tri Fatma Mala Yulhar ◽  
Dwidjono Hadi Darwanto

This study aims to examine the competitiveness of Indonesian CCO in destination countries and examine what factors influence the competitiveness of Indonesian CCO in destination countries. The analytical methods used in this research were RCA, EPD, and panel data regression analysis. The time period used in this research was 1996 to 2017. The results of the study concluded that Indonesian CCO had competitiveness in the United States, the Netherlands, Malaysia, China, and Singapore. RCA index in each destination country showed that Indonesian CCO had a very strong comparative advantage. The EPD analysis showed that Indonesian CCO was in a rising star position in the Netherlands, Malaysia, China, and Singapore, while in the United States market Indonesian CCO was in a falling star position. The export volume of Indonesian CCO had positive effect, while trade openness of importing countries and export value of Philippines CCO had negative effect on the competitiveness of Indonesian CCO. The government and CCO exporters need to lobby the destination countries to import CCO from Indonesia, and to convince the destination countries, the quality of the CCO needs to be improved, so that Indonesian CCO will become more competitive than others.

2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. NP1-NP2

Bader, Julia & Ursula E Daxecker (2015) A Chinese resource curse: The human rights effects of oil export dependence on China versus the United States. Journal of PeaceResearch 52(6): 774–790. DOI: 10.1177/0022343315593332 . Author note Our article uses trade data from COMTRADE to compare the human rights implications of oil exports to China versus to the United States from 1992 to 2010. Unfortunately, we made a mistake when merging the oil trade data for the USA. Oil trade data for the USA were erroneously based on a more inclusive commodity code categorization than what is described in the article, including not only crude petroleum oils and oils from bituminous minerals (HS92 classification, commodity code 2709), but also mineral fuels, oils, and products of their distillation (HS92 classification, commodity code 27). We apologize for this mistake. To assess the implications of this error, we have retrieved the correctly categorized data for the USA and replicated our analysis. Our results remain robust (see Table I corrected below). As in the article, we find a robust, negative effect of oil exports to the USA on exporter human rights. In contrast, exports to China have no effects on human rights. There is a small difference for results in Model 3, which interacts oil export variables with oil discoveries. This model now produces a positive and significant coefficient for exports to China in the absence of discoveries, but this finding is not inconsistent with the article’s claims regarding the potentially more benign effects of oil exports to China. [Table: see text]


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas John Cooke ◽  
Ian Shuttleworth

It is widely presumed that information and communication technologies, or ICTs, enable migration in several ways; primarily by reducing the costs of migration. However, a reconsideration of the relationship between ICTs and migration suggests that ICTs may just as well hinder migration; primarily by reducing the costs of not moving.  Using data from the US Panel Study of Income Dynamics, models that control for sources of observed and unobserved heterogeneity indicate a strong negative effect of ICT use on inter-state migration within the United States. These results help to explain the long-term decline in internal migration within the United States.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


Author(s):  
D.S. Yurochkin ◽  
◽  
A.A. Leshkevich ◽  
Z.M. Golant ◽  
I.A. NarkevichSaint ◽  
...  

The article presents the results of a comparison of the Orphan Drugs Register approved for use in the United States and the 2020 Vital and Essential Drugs List approved on October 12, 2019 by Order of the Government of the Russian Federation No. 2406-r. The comparison identified 305 international non-proprietary names relating to the main and/or auxiliary therapy for rare diseases. The analysis of the market of drugs included in the Vital and Essential Drugs List, which can be used to treat rare (orphan) diseases in Russia was conducted.


Author(s):  
Michael C. Dorf ◽  
Michael S. Chu

Lawyers played a key role in challenging the Trump administration’s Travel Ban on entry into the United States of nationals from various majority-Muslim nations. Responding to calls from nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), which were amplified by social media, lawyers responded to the Travel Ban’s chaotic rollout by providing assistance to foreign travelers at airports. Their efforts led to initial court victories, which in turn led the government to soften the Ban somewhat in two superseding executive actions. The lawyers’ work also contributed to the broader resistance to the Trump administration by dramatizing its bigotry, callousness, cruelty, and lawlessness. The efficacy of the lawyers’ resistance to the Travel Ban shows that, contrary to strong claims about the limits of court action, litigation can promote social change. General lessons about lawyer activism in ordinary times are difficult to draw, however, because of the extraordinary threat Trump poses to civil rights and the rule of law.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089124162110218
Author(s):  
John R. Parsons

Every year, hundreds of U.S. citizens patrol the Mexican border dressed in camouflage and armed with pistols and assault rifles. Unsanctioned by the government, these militias aim to stop the movement of narcotics into the United States. Recent interest in the anthropology of ethics has focused on how individuals cultivate themselves toward a notion of the ethical. In contrast, within the militias, ethical self-cultivation was absent. I argue the volunteers derived the power to be ethical from the control of the dominant moral assemblage and the construction of an immoral “Other” which provided them the power to define a moral landscape that limited the potential for ethical conflicts. In the article, I discuss two instances Border Watch and its volunteers dismissed disruptions to their moral certainty and confirmed to themselves that their actions were not only the “right” thing to do, but the only ethical response available.


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