scholarly journals Analysis of the population dynamics in the “Slavic World” with a special focus on Russia

2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 317
Author(s):  
Nina N. Loginova ◽  
Milan M. Radovanović ◽  
Anatoliy A. Yamashkin ◽  
Goran Vasin ◽  
Marko D. Petrović ◽  
...  

Population changes of the Russians and other Slavs are an important original indicator of demographic, economic, political, and cultural analysis of over 300 million Slavic inhabitants in Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe. The indicators are conditioned by the large number of people executed in World War I and World War II, significant economic migrations, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia. Utilizing data from official reports, the authors proceed to analyze the demographic tendencies in order to find out the relationship between modern demographic trends and political and economic events over the past years. The results showed that economic and demographic stagnation, which favor religious and national (ethnic) ambivalence, influence the strengthening of groups ethnically isolated or religiously differentiated in the observed macroregions of Eurasia. The contemporary challenges of modern society in terms of global politics (e.g. terrorism and migrations) will be more pronounced and turbulent in these areas. For these reasons, the original data represent an important segment of the study of Slavic history, demography, and politics throughout the turbulent 20th century and the beginning of the new millennium.   

Author(s):  
James Mark ◽  
Quinn Slobodian

This chapter places Eastern Europe into a broader history of decolonization. It shows how the region’s own experience of the end of Empire after the World War I led its new states to consider their relationships with both European colonialism and those were struggling for their future liberation outside their continent. Following World War II, as Communist regimes took power in Eastern Europe, and overseas European Empires dissolved in Africa and Asia, newly powerful relationships developed. Analogies between the end of empire in Eastern Europe and the Global South, though sometimes tortured and riddled with their own blind spots, were nonetheless potent rhetorical idioms, enabling imagined solidarities and facilitating material connections in the era of the Cold War and non-alignment. After the demise of the so-called “evil empire” of the Soviet Union, analogies between the postcolonial and the postcommunist condition allowed for further novel equivalencies between these regions to develop.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 555-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerhard L. Weinberg

At the end of World War II, vast quantities of German documents had fallen into the hands of the Allies either during hostilities or in the immediately following weeks. Something will be said near the end of this report about the archives captured or seized by the Soviet Union; the emphasis here will be on those that came into the possession of the Western Allies. The United States and Great Britain made agreements for joint control and exploitation, of which the most important was the Bissell-Sinclair agreement named for the intelligence chiefs who signed it. The German naval, foreign office, and chancellery archives were to be physically located in England, while the military, Nazi Party, and related files were to come to the United States. Each of the two countries was to be represented at the site of the other's holdings, have access to the files, and play a role in decisions about their fate. The bulk of those German records that came to the United States were deposited in a section of a World War I torpedo factory in Alexandria, Virginia, which had been made into the temporary holding center for the World War II records of the American army and American theater commands. In accordance with the admonition to turn swords into plowshares, the building is now an artists' boutique.


1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 699-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Kohn

In spite of later claims that it had been the leader of the anti-fascist camp and of the Slav world from the beginning of the second World War, the Soviet Union followed a strictly Russian policy, neither anti-fascist nor Pan-Slav, from August, 1939, to June, 1941. This policy clearly foreshadowed a nationalist revival of the language and aspirations that had been most characteristic of Old Russia but were assumed to have been definitely buried in the ten November days of 1917 which shook the world. During these two years not the slightest sympathy for the Czechs and Poles suffering under German occupation was expressed. Indeed, although Leninist communism during World War I had conducted a violent defeatist propaganda compaign in both warring camps, the subversive communist propaganda that was resumed in 1939 was directed only against the democratic nations. “Moreover, officially, even ostentatiously, help was granted to the camp of fascism so that, from 1939 to 1941, the Soviet Union could be considered a non-belligerent partner of the Axis. From the policy of benevolent neutrality towards the Axis the Soviet Union was removed against its will. Circumstances made it an ally of the democracies. This change was performed reluctantly, only because no other choice was left.”


Author(s):  
Vitaliy Makar

According to the Canadian Customs records that preserved in the archives on September 9, 1891 well-known Ukrainian Calician Ivan Pylypiv and Wasyl Yelynyak came to Canada. Following them hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians immigrated to the new land, as Canada was called by those who got there. The author investigates the immigration waves of the Ukrainians to Canada: before World War I; between Wars; after World War II; and after collapsing of the Soviet Union. Also, the Cana- dian researches talking about one more wave of the Ukrainian immigration to Canada – from the begining of 80th last century from Poland. According 2011 Canadian census of population and the counts of the last years there are more then one million and three hundred of thousands persons that recognized themselves of Ukrainian descend. The author charaterizes the peligious, cultural, national and political life of Ukrainians in Canada. The main role in this paper is dedicated to Ukrainians role for Canadian political life, their involvement into local, provicial and federal governmental structure. Keywords: Post-communist countries of CEE, theoretical and methodological approaches, political transformation


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Grant ◽  
Alice Fisher Fellow

Russian and Soviet nurse refugees faced myriad challenges attempting to become registered nurses in North America and elsewhere after the World War II. By drawing primarily on International Council of Nurses refugee files, a picture can be pieced together of the fate that befell many of those women who left Russia and later the Soviet Union because of revolution and war in the years after 1917. The history of first (after World War I) and second (after World War II) wave émigré nurses, integrated into the broader historical narrative, reveals that professional identity was just as important to these women as national identity. This became especially so after World War II, when Russian and Soviet refugee nurses resettled in the West. Individual accounts become interwoven on an international canvas that brings together a wide range of personal experiences from women based in Russia, the Soviet Union, China, Yugoslavia, Canada, the United States, and elsewhere. The commonality of experience among Russian nurses as they attempted to establish their professional identities highlights, through the prism of Russia, the importance of the history of the displaced nurse experience in the wider context of international migration history.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-63
Author(s):  
Richard Drake

The declassification of materials from the Russian archives has provided a good deal of new evidence about the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union both before and after World War II. Two newly published collections of documents leave no doubt that, contrary to arguments made by supporters of the PCI, the Italian party was in fact strictly subservient to the dictates of Josif Stalin. The documents reveal the unsavory role of the PCI leader, Palmiro Togliatti, in the destruction of large sections of the Italian Communist movement and in the tragic fate of Italian prisoners of war who were held in the Soviet Union during and after World War II. Togliatti's legacy, as these documents make clear, was one of terror and the Stalinization of the PCI.


Author(s):  
Karim Elkady

Since the 1830s, Egyptian regimes have sought US governmental support to assist Egypt in gaining its independence and enable it to act freely in the region. Because historically the United States had no territorial interests in Egypt, Egyptian leaders solicited this strategic connection as potentially a leverage first against the Ottoman Empire, France, and England from the 1830s to World War I, then later against the British military occupation until 1954, and finally against Israel’s occupation of Sinai from 1967 to 1973. Egypt also courted US assistance to support its regional ambitions, to assume leadership of the Arab World, and to stabilize the Middle East. Later, the economic and financial challenges that Egypt has faced in its recent history have led it to request and rely on US military and economic aid. US interests in Egypt have shifted during their relationship. Initially the United States was interested in trade and protection of private US citizens, especially its Protestant missionaries. But after World War II and the rise of the United States to a position of global leadership, US motives changed. Due to US interests in Persian Gulf oil, its commitment to defend Israel, and its interest in protecting Egypt against the control of hostile powers, the United States became more invested in securing Egypt’s strategic location and utilizing its regional political weight. The United States became involved in securing Egypt from Axis invasions during World War II and in containing Soviet attempts to lock Egypt into an alliance with Moscow. After a period of tense relations from the 1950s to the early 1970s, Egypt and the United States reached a rapprochement in 1974. From that time on, the Egyptian–US strategic partnership emerged, especially after the Camp David Accords, to protect the region from the Soviet Union, the Islamic Republic of Iran, and Iraq under Saddam Hussein, and then to contain the rise of terrorism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 44-62
Author(s):  
Laura Seppälä

Uusisänmaallinen käänne on lähihistorian tutkimuksessa tunnistettu ilmiö, joka viittaa Neuvostoliiton kaatumista seuranneisiin toisen maailmansodan muistokulttuurien muutoksiin Suomessa. Uusisänmaallisissa tulkinnoissa korostuvat näkemykset Suomen erillissodista ja torjuntavoitosta sekä tarinat sankaruudesta, uhrauksesta, kansallisesta solidaarisuudesta ja kunniakkuudesta. Sodan populaarikulttuurisilla esityksillä on nähty olevan keskeinen rooli näiden näkökulmien tuottajina: esimerkiksi 1990-luvun lopun ja 2000-luvun niin kutsuttua ”sotaelokuvabuumia” on tulkittu uusisänmaallisuuden viitekehyksessä. Tässä artikkelissa tarkastelen uusisänmaallisuutta historiantutkimuksen sijasta elokuvatutkimuksen näkökulmasta. Otan tarkastelun kohteeksi vuonna 2011 ensi-iltaan tulleen elokuvan Hiljaisuus, jossa sota koetaan rintaman sijasta kaatuneiden evakuointikeskuksessa. Kysyn, minkälaisia historiallisia representaatioita Hiljaisuudessa tuotetaan? Millä elokuvan keinoilla näitä representaatioita rakennetaan? Keskityn analyysissäni elokuvan henkilöhahmojen rakentumiseen, sillä uusisänmaallisina pidetyt arvot ja ideaalit sankaruudesta, uhrauksesta ja kunniakkuudesta henkilöityvät sotanarratiiveissa sodan kokeviin ihmisiin. Hyödynnän elokuvan lähiluvun työkaluna elokuvatutkija Murray Smithin kehittämää, kognitiivista elokuvatutkimusta edustavaa sympatian struktuurit (structures of sympathy) -analyysimallia, joka koskee elokuvan henkilöhahmojen ja katsojan välistä suhdetta ja tämän suhteen merkitystä katsojan potentiaalisille tunnereaktioille. Analyysini osoittaa, että Hiljaisuus paikoittain haastaa uusisänmaallisia käsityksiä sodasta, mutta myös tuottaa uusisänmaalliseksi tulkittavia representaatioita suomalaisuudesta erityisesti elokuvan päähenkilöiden kautta: elokuva kannustaa katsojaa kokemaan sympatiaa niitä hahmoja kohtaan, joiden toimintaa ja ominaisuuksia määrittävät uusisänmaallisuudelle keskeiset arvot ja toimintamallit, ja sitä vastoin antipatiaa niitä hahmoja kohtaan, jotka eivät tähän uusisänmaalliseen malliin sovi.   “You weren’t even brave enough to fight!”: Neo-patriotic representations of World War II in Silence   The neo-patriotic turn refers to the changes occurring in Finnish memory culture of war after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Neo-patriotic interpretations of World War II construct and uphold notions of separate wars and defense victories as well as place strong emphasis on stories depicting war as a source of heroism, sacrifice, integrity, and national solidarity. Representations of war in fiction and popular culture have been considered to play a central role in producing such stories: the so-called Finnish “war film boom” in the late-1990s and 2000s has been seen as an example of neo-patriotic changes. In this article, I examine neo-patriotic representations in the context of film analysis rather than in the framework of historical research. I analyze the 2011 film Silence, in which war is experienced in an evacuation center for the fallen instead of in the battlefield. I ask, what kind of historical representations are produced in Silence? How are they produced? The analysis focuses on the construction of the main characters in the film, as the values and ideals considered neo-patriotic are embodied by the people experiencing war in fictional narratives. I utilize an analytical model developed by film researcher Murray Smith. Smith’s structures of sympathy is based on cognitive film theory and provides tools for examining the relationship between the characters and the viewer and how this relationship can affect the viewer’s potential emotional responses. While Silence at times challenges neo-patriotic notions of war, my analysis indicates that the film also constructs representations of Finnishness that can be considered neo-patriotic: the film encourages the viewer to feel sympathy towards the characters who embody neo-patriotic ideals and values, and antipathy towards the characters who deviate from these ideals.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110416
Author(s):  
Vitali Shkliarov ◽  
Vera Mironova ◽  
Sam Whitt

Our research considers the relationship between historical memory and political evaluations of the past and present. We first examine how historical reflection on the Soviet Union under Stalin is influenced by memories of familial suffering during World War II and victimization under the widespread Soviet gulag prison system. Based on a 2019 representative survey of Ukraine, we show that respondents who recall family members being injured or killed fighting during World War II and those who recount families being imprisoned in Soviet gulags have increased positive and negative appraisals of the Soviet Union under Stalin respectively. However, we also find that favorable opinions of Stalin are strongly predicted by approval of Vladimir Putin, who has actively promoted rehabilitation of Stalin’s legacy to bolster personalist rule at home and justify revisionist agendas abroad, including in Ukraine. Our results underscore interactions between the present and past in shaping historical memory such that what appears as enduring legacies of the past could also be a function of present political circumstances.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 105-125
Author(s):  
Jakub Potulski

The main aim of this article is to give an overview of the conflict in a region called Transnistria or Pridnestrovskaya Moldovskaya Respublika (PMR), a quasi-state that has been outside of Moldovan control since 1992. Author focus on historical and emotional aspect of conflict. The turning point of this region’s history was in 1812, when Russia, after the war with Ottoman Turkey annexed part of historic Moldavian territory and named it Bessarabia. During the time, the territory was used as a geostrategic point for Russia’s reaching Black Sea coast. After the World War I Bessarabia become a part of Kingdom of Romania but Soviet Union regarded the area as a territory occupied by Romania. After the World War II the area was formally integrated into the Soviet Union as a Moldavian ASRR. In 1991 during the process of the dissolution of Soviet Union the Moldavian ASRR proclaimed the independence. This proclamation initiated the internal conflict ended with secession of eastern periphery of former Soviet republic. Moscow brought Transnistria under protective umbrella in the international area. The paper will examine the historical roots of the conflict and Russian vision of Transnistria as a part of русский мир.


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