Polityka obronna Litwy w latach 2014-2018

The annexation of Crimea in 2014 marks the turning point in Lithuania’s defence policy. Previously, Lithuanian armed forces developed expeditionary capabilities in line with NATO’s out-of-area requirements and had to face substantial manning and equipment shortages as a result of the financial crisis. After 2014 clarion call, Lithuania responded with the most comprehensive measures of all the Eastern Flank states to strengthen its military capabilities. Lithuania’s main strategic concerns encompass both the Russian A2/AD bubble in Kaliningrad as well as the development of Russian offensive capabilities in the Baltic Sea region. The Lithuanian strive for security included a big hike in defence spending and a gradual increase in military personnel, with the reinstatement of conscription, faster modernisation of armed forces, development of military infrastructures, investments in combat readiness and an update of military exercises. This was supplemented by the strengthening of defence co-operation with key partners – both bilaterally and within the NATO framework. Lithuania’s main goal was to convince Allies to establish permanent military presence on its territory in order to strengthen deterrence against Russia. Between the NATO Wales Summit in 2014 and the Warsaw Summit in 2016, Lithuania was focused mainly on a closer military collaboration with the US – a country which then took a leading role in the military reassurance of the Eastern Flank. In Lithuania, the US has traditionally been perceived as the main security provider. The Warsaw Summit constituted a milestone in bolstering the Allied defence posture vis-à-vis Russia, which influenced Lithuania’s defence policy. American rotational company-size units in the Baltic states were subsequently replaced by NATO’s Enhanced Forward Presence, i.e. the deployment of German-led battalion-size battlegroup in Lithuania. Therefore, between 2016 and 2018 Lithuania tried to augment its strong defence ties with US while deepening military integration with Germany. The most significant sign of a closer military co-operation with Germany was the procurement of 88 Boxer infantry fighting vehicles. Recently, Germany has become the biggest supplier of military equipment to the Lithuanian army. Although Lithuania prefers to develop military co-operation primarily with US and Germany, Poland remains its important orientation point (mainly due to a similar threat perception and Poland’s geographic location). The core dimensions of the Polish-Lithuanian defence collaboration are the strengthening of air defence, including Grom systems deliveries, training of special forces and development of the trilateral brigade (LITPOLUKRBRIG) together with Ukraine. In the coming years, the ongoing depopulation will remain the biggest internal challenge for the Lithuanian defence policy. Emigration and an ageing society result not only in a decreasing number of citizens reaching the enlistment age, but may also adversely affect the economic situation and - as a consequence - defence expenditure.

Polityka wizerunkowa Norwegii – znaczenie dyplomacji pokojowej dla sukcesu Norwegii

Norway is a small state with little population and pheripheral location. It has surprisingly strong nation brand and it is widely recognised at the same time, which seems to be unusual taking into consideration geographic and demographic determinants together with rather poor soft power resources. The aim of this article is to examin and analyse Norwegian image policy and its evolution. The main Focus is put on the aspects of peace diplomacy as a constant and meaningful element of Norway’s brand and image policy. The tested hypothesis assumes that the pressence of peace usage on various different levels of image policy in Norway is contributing the reputational and image success of this state.

Duch narodowościowy a mniejszość rosyjska na Łotwie. Rozważania i analiza problemu

The aim of the article is to present the phenomenon of demographic crisis in Latvia and the problem with the broadly incoming Russian minority (often also defined as Eastern or non-native minority), throughout the country. In the face of World War II, Latvia lost its centuries-old multiculturalism, as well as progressive climate and tolerant society. The losses of the indigenous Baltic population reached almost 30%, therefore, with the effects of these events, the Republic of Latvia is struggling to this day using a multi-layered national policy. The characteristics of new actions, the participation of national minorities in the structures of society and the assessment of the effectiveness of implemented modifications are the subject of this study.

Szwecja i problemy spójności współpracy państw w Europie Bałtyckiej w 2018 roku

Holding the presidency in crucial regional organizations and formats in Baltic Europe in 2018 (Nordic Council of Ministers, Council of the Baltic Sea States, Barents Euro-Arctic Council, formats N5 and NB8) Sweden is in exceptional position to enhance this region’s coherence. The goal of the analysis in the article is to explain in what way Sweden aims to coordinate the regional policy agenda. Official programmatic documents give the ground to assume that Sweden is seeking to achieve a regional coordinator’s role and is actively realizing planes which promote regional coherence in Baltic Europe. At the same time Sweden takes into consideration the European and global contexts of the policies in this region. The main overarching field of engagement in this respect becomes the realization of the UN Agenda 2030. The characteristics, i.e. scope and elaboration, of the political programmes of the Swedish presidency in the mentioned above organizations and formats suggests that Nordic as well as Nordic-Baltic cooperation are considered as the most important ones.

Zmiany w środowisku bezpieczeństwa regionu Morza Bałtyckiego kreowane przez działania informacyjne Federacji Rosyjskiej. Ryga, Tallin i Wilno wobec presji informacyjnej Moskwy

Along with the intensive dissemination of information and communication technologies, there has been a rapid increase in the availability of information, and even its excess. The specific way of informing on the Internet and social media has started to influence the behavior of its users and on the community and society as the number of Internet users is rapidly growing. With the help of ICT tools, one can create patterns of interpersonal contacts and civic awareness, which can potentially lead to mass surveillance, the use of social engineering for purposes contrary to the objectives of a given society or creating needs and lifestyles. Examples of such activities of the Russian Federation against Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, although necessarily limited, indicate that the Kremlin's activity is intensifying, well-organized, with the use of both people and automatic communication. Moscow uses traditional and social media directly and indirectly, carefully choosing means of information war - propaganda, disinformation, falsification of reality and discrediting opponents. The message generated by the Kremlin-friendly media creates a new security environment characterized by information chaos, causing the inability to distinguish the truth from falsehood, uncertainty about the intentions of the authorities of their own countries and neighbors, uncertainty about the actual state of affairs. The long-term goal for the Baltic states is to create organizational and administrative chaos in societies and authorities at all levels who, by making decisions on false premises, will destabilize these countries in every aspect.

Uwarunkowania stosunków chińsko-rosyjskich na początku XXI wieku

When considering the issue of the latest relationship between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, one attempted to identify them in the article in terms of the political, economic and military range, as well as the involvement of both countries in the aspect of the institutionalised international relations, particularly the traditional areas of influence of both countries, especially in a region of Central Asia. One indicated the intensification of the processes occurring in their relations, and their mutual consistency.

Quasi państwa na obszarze poradzieckim – Naddniestrze w rosyjskiej polityce zagranicznej

The main aim of this article is to give an overview of the conflict in a region called Transnistria or Pridnestrovskaya Moldovskaya Respublika (PMR), a quasi-state that has been outside of Moldovan control since 1992. Author focus on historical and emotional aspect of conflict. The turning point of this region’s history was in 1812, when Russia, after the war with Ottoman Turkey annexed part of historic Moldavian territory and named it Bessarabia. During the time, the territory was used as a geostrategic point for Russia’s reaching Black Sea coast. After the World War I Bessarabia become a part of Kingdom of Romania but Soviet Union regarded the area as a territory occupied by Romania. After the World War II the area was formally integrated into the Soviet Union as a Moldavian ASRR. In 1991 during the process of the dissolution of Soviet Union the Moldavian ASRR proclaimed the independence. This proclamation initiated the internal conflict ended with secession of eastern periphery of former Soviet republic. Moscow brought Transnistria under protective umbrella in the international area. The paper will examine the historical roots of the conflict and Russian vision of Transnistria as a part of русский мир.

The Impact of Legal Immigration on the Nationality of the Immigrant

The term immigration means and individual or a group of individuals leave their country and intending not to return and to abandon its nationality and going to another country to settle in and obtain its nationality. Legal immigration has both positive and negative impacts on the nationality of the immigrant. As for the positive impact, the immigrant shall obtain a new nationality namely the nationality of the Country of Diaspora after staying there for a period of time stipulated by its laws in order to make sure that the immigrant does not intend to return to their country of original nationality. In addition to that, immigrant should fulfill other conditions that the Country of Diaspora has the ultimate right to set. As for the negative impact, the immigrant loses their original nationality for obtaining the nationality of the Country of Diaspora in order to avoid the dual nationality. Legislations in some countries may stipulate that immigrant should abandon their original nationality in case of obtaining the nationality of the Country of Diaspora.

Wymiar Północny a obwód kaliningradzki Federacji Rosyjskiej – obszary współpracy

The aim of the article is to present how important is the Northern Dimension of the EU for development of the Kaliningrad Oblast. The author shows the significance of the Northern Dimension, its influence on the region as well as specific areas of cooperation. Further the article deals with particular projects in the area of transport and logistics, environment, public health and social welfare, as well as in the field of culture. The Northern Dimension of the EU allows multidimensional cooperation with Russia on the regional level with Kalinigrad Oblast as main beneficiary. This cooperation is possible despite difficult relations between Russia and its neighbors. The initiatives important for the Oblast have been supported, development of the infrastructure or fight against social pathologies in particular. The implementation of specific initiatives within the Northern Dimension has not improved, however, the relationship between Russia and the countries participating in this project.

Spuścizna świata antycznego w życiu politycznym Europy

The precise conceptualization of a spatial dimension of Europe is highly controversial. Taking the diversity of criteria, factors and determinants into account, one may tell that Europe is perceived as a geographic, cultural, meta-political, political and civilization space. The arbitrary indication of Ural Mountains as an eastern border of Europe is still being questioned. Common roots of European tradition and identity are being found in Greek, Roman and Judeo-Christian tradition. Europe as geographical identificator emerged in ancient Greece and had axiological content from its very begining.