scholarly journals USPON KRAJNJE DESNICE U SUSEDSTVU

2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (3/2021) ◽  
pp. 243-251
Author(s):  
Dejan Bursac

Prikaz knjige: Peter Kreko, Attila Juhasz. 2017. The Hungarian Far Right: Social Demand, Political Supply, and International Context. Stuttgart: Ibidem-Verlag, p. 267.

2004 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 253-257
Author(s):  
Alessandro Brogi

This is a story of a missed opportunity. Italian national identity emerged in the modern era on a feeble institutional basis. However, the completion of the country's unity with World War I offered the Italian Liberal state and its administrative elites a great chance. Italy's leaders and officials made the most conspicuous attempt to assert their function as genuine public servants of the general interest—the most effective way to corroborate a sense of national community from the top—by mastering the fervent irredentism in the Venezia Giulia with a mixture of encouragement and moderation. And yet, after four years, this enlightened conduct had to yield to the fanatic and counterproductive nationalism of the far right. Maura Hametz provides a perceptive explanation of this missed opportunity by focusing on the interplay between national choices and local politics in Trieste. Even better, Hametz's essay narrates the story at the microlevel with frequent reference to the international context, thus using a rare combination of ethnocultural and diplomatic history approaches. Few studies of national identity dare encroach on traditional diplomatic history territory. But when dealing with the border disputes among Austria's successor states, it becomes crucial to fit the anthropological and sociological aspects of microhistory into the general history of Europe's balance of power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Ricardo Gonçalves Severo ◽  
Rodrigo Duque Estrada ◽  
Sérgio Botton Barcellos

<p>Este trabalho tem como questão central compreender, como as ações de grupos liberais e conservadores no Brasil, representadas pelo atual governo do país, são influenciadas pelo processo histórico de modernização conservadora nacional e a recente articulação internacional da extrema direita. Para compreender como em um processo capitalista ocorrem versões autoritárias acionaremos Barrington Moore Junior (2010) e Saull (2013;2015;2018), bem como as discussões realizadas por Apple (2006; 2017) e Souza (2017) para analisar a ação de grupos neoliberais, neoconservadores, a nova classe média profissional e populistas autoritários. A partir disso, analisaremos as possíveis relações entre os fascistas históricos e a extrema-direita que atuam em coalizão em diversos países no mundo.</p><p align="center"><strong>ENTRE LOS GOBIERNOS AUTORITARIOS Y TENDENCIAS FASCISTAS EN LA ACTUALIDAD: DE CONTEXTO INTERNACIONAL A BRASIL</strong></p><p>Este articulo tiene como pregunta central comprender cómo las acciones de los grupos liberales y conservadores en Brasil, representados por el gobierno actual del Brasil, están influenciados por el proceso histórico de modernización conservadora nacional y la reciente articulación internacional de la extrema derecha. Para comprender cómo en un proceso capitalista se producen versiones autoritarias, recurriremos a Barrington Moore Junior (2010) y Saull (2013; 2015; 2018), así como a las discusiones mantenidas por Apple (2006; 2017) y Souza (2017) para analizar la acción de estos grupos neoliberales, neoconservadores, nuevos profesionales de clase media y populistas autoritarios. A partir de esto, analizaremos las posibles relaciones entre los fascistas históricos y la extrema derecha que actúan en coalición en varios países del mundo.</p><p><strong>Palabras clave:</strong> extrema derecha; fascismo modernización conservadora; Gobierno brasileño.</p><p><strong>BETWEEN AUTHORITARIAN GOVERNMENTS AND THE CURRENT FASCISTS ASPECTS : THE INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT TO BRAZIL</strong></p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>This paper has as its central question to understand how the actions of liberal and conservative groups in Brazil, represented by the current government of the Brazil, are influenced by the historical process of national conservative modernization and the articulation of the extreme right. To understand how in a capitalist process occur an authoritarian versions we will turn on Barrington Moore Junior (2010) and Saull (2013; 2015; 2018), as well as the discussions held by Apple (2006; 2017) and Souza (2017) to analyze the action of neoliberal groups, neoconservatives, new professional middle class and authoritarian populists. From this, we will analyze the possible relations between the historical fascists and the far right that act in coalition in several countries in the world.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>far right; fascism; conservative modernization; Brazilian government.</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 487-494
Author(s):  
Daniel Mullis

In recent years, political and social conditions have changed dramatically. Many analyses help to capture these dynamics. However, they produce political pessimism: on the one hand there is the image of regression and on the other, a direct link is made between socio-economic decline and the rise of the far-right. To counter these aspects, this article argues that current political events are to be understood less as ‘regression’ but rather as a moment of movement and the return of deep political struggles. Referring to Jacques Ranciere’s political thought, the current conditions can be captured as the ‘end of post-democracy’. This approach changes the perspective on current social dynamics in a productive way. It allows for an emphasis on movement and the recognition of the windows of opportunity for emancipatory struggles.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-226
Author(s):  
Soner Tauscher

Avrupa ülkelerinin alışık olduğu düzenli işçi göçü ve kontrollü sığınmacı alımı Suriye iç savaşının üst düzeye ulaştığı 2013/2014 yılından itibaren önemli bir değişim göstermektedir. Avrupa Birliği, kuruluşundan bu yana en yoğun mülteci göçüyle karşılaşmaktadır. Yaşanan bu kontrolsüz ve zorunlu göçe Avrupa toplumları ve devletleri hazırlıksız yakalanmıştır. Mülteci krizini ekonomik olarak fırsata çevirmek isteyen Almanya ise göçmenler için 2015 yazından itibaren açık kapı politikası uygulamaya başlamıştır. Ancak uygulanan açık kapı politikası Alman toplumunun azımsanmayacak bir kesiminde mültecilere ve Müslümanlara yönelik ağır ve şiddetli bir karşı kampanya ortaya çıkardı. Mülteciler ve Müslümanlar aşırı sağ toplumsal hareketlerin gösterilerinde “tecavüzcü”, “işgalci”, “kriminal dolandırıcılar” vb. sıfatlar ile birlikte anılmakta, medya da bu söylemlerin taşıyıcılığını yaparak kamusallaşmasını sağlamaktadır. Böylece aşırı sağı desteklemeyen, apolitik, ya da sığınmacılara karşı hoşgörülü davranan toplum kesimlerinde kamuoyu oluşturularak sığınmacı ve göçmenlere karşı olumsuz algı gündemde tutulmakta, politik olanın merkezine yerleştirilmektedir. Bu çalışmada öncelikle göçmenlere karşı aşırı sağ toplumsal hareketlerin oluşturduğu olumsuz söylemin McCombs ve Shaw’un Gündem Belirleme Kuramı (Agenda Setting Function) bağlamında medya tarafından siyasetin merkezine nasıl oturtulduğu tartışılacaktır. Ayrıca gündemde tutulan mültecilere yönelik olumsuz söylemin gerçeği yansıtıp yansıtmadığı, göçmenlerin ve sığınmacıların biyolojik Almanlardan daha çok suça meyilli olup olmadığı oluşturulan soyut söylemlerden ziyade Almanya İçişleri Bakanlığı’nın yıllık olarak yayınladığı Emniyet Suç İstatistikleri temel alınarak incelenecektir.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHFar right movements in Germany and evaluation of media discourse of criminal immigrant in the light of official documentsFlows of regular worker migration and regular asylum seekers, of whom European countries are familiar, have significantly changed since 2013/2014 when the civil war of Syria reached its peak. The European Union face probably the most intensive refugee migration since its establishment. European societies and states have not been prepared for this uncontrolled and compulsory immigration. Germany seem to want to turn the refugee crisis into an economic opportunity as evident in their open door policy since the summer of 2015. However, implementation of open-door policy has led a substantial part of German society to a strong campaign against the refugees and Muslims. Refugees and Muslims are referred to as “rapists”, “invaders”, “criminal fraudsters”, and so on in demonstrations of far right movements and media has helped disseminating these discourses. Hence, this manipulated and hateful discourse tries to gain support from the segment of society wh normally does not support far right and often apolitical, or tolerant towards asylum seekers. In this study, the ways in which the negative discourse of far right social movements against immigrants is brought to the centre of the political agenda by media is analysed using the agenda setting framework by McCombs and Shaw. Then, the claims that immigrants are involved in crime, or they are prone to be criminals are analysed and contrasted with the data obtained from the annual Crime and Safety Reports of the German Ministry of the Interior.


Author(s):  
C. Claire Thomson

This chapter traces the early history of state-sponsored informational filmmaking in Denmark, emphasising its organisation as a ‘cooperative’ of organisations and government agencies. After an account of the establishment and early development of the agency Dansk Kulturfilm in the 1930s, the chapter considers two of its earliest productions, both process films documenting the manufacture of bricks and meat products. The broader context of documentary in Denmark is fleshed out with an account of the production and reception of Poul Henningsen’s seminal film Danmark (1935), and the international context is accounted for with an overview of the development of state-supported filmmaking in the UK, Italy and Germany. Developments in the funding and output of Dansk Kulturfilm up to World War II are outlined, followed by an account of the impact of the German Occupation of Denmark on domestic informational film. The establishment of the Danish Government Film Committee or Ministeriernes Filmudvalg kick-started aprofessionalisation of state-sponsored filmmaking, and two wartime public information films are briefly analysed as examples of its early output. The chapter concludes with an account of the relations between the Danish Resistance and an emerging generation of documentarists.


1997 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hector L MacQueen

This paper,first presented on 21 October 1995 at ajoint seminar ofthe Scottish Law Commission and the Faculty of Law, University of Edinburgh, on the subject of breach of contract, considers the future development of the law in this area, first by considering its history and current state in comparative terms and drawing the conclusion that it is characterised by a mixture of Civilian and Common Law elements; second, by comparing Scots law with the provisions on breach contained in recently published proposals for a harmonised law of contract (the UNIDROIT Principles of International Commercial Contracts, the Principles of European Contract Law prepared by the Lando Commission, and the draft “code”for the United Kingdom prepared on behalf of the English Law Commission by Harvey McGregor in the late 1960s) and in international conventions on the sale of goods. Although Scots law emerges reasonably wellfrom this exercise, there are a number of points to be taken on board in any future reform, as well as some insights into important underlying principles.


2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-86
Author(s):  
Jocimar Dias

When Bacurau (dir. Kleber Mendonça Filho and Juliano Dornelles, 2019) was released in Brazil, it was mainly received as a left-wing critique of the rise of the far right in the country’s political landscape. But some critics argued that the feature’s insistence on graphic violence was actually a celebration of barbarism, equating the oppressed villagers to their genocidal oppressors. This article refutes this view, borrowing from the analysis of science-fiction revenge fantasies and also following Foucault’s genealogical perspective. It argues that Bacurau actually reenacts Brazil’s foundational colonial violence through its complex temporality, in order to rediscover the forgotten past of real struggles that remain surreptitiously inserted in all levels of society, perhaps in the hope that new ways of resistance may flourish from its spectatorial experience.


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