scholarly journals МИГРАНТИ, АЗИЛАНТИ, ИЗБЕГЛИЦЕ: ОДРЕЂЕЊЕ И РАЗГРАНИЧЕЊЕ ОСНОВНИХ ПОЈМОВА И ИМПЛИКАЦИЈЕ НА ПРАВНИ СТАТУС ЛИЦА И НИВО ЊИХОВЕ ЗАШТИТЕ

TEME ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 001
Author(s):  
Слободан Ћопић ◽  
Сања Ћопић

In the context of the current migration crisis, in the public discourse and media reporting, different terms are used interchangeably to denote persons who are coming to Serbia from the states and the regions which "produce refugees": irregular migrants, immigrants, migrants, refugees, asylum seekers. The paper aims at providing distinctions between core terms: migrant, refugee and asylum seeker and to point out that, although it is not easy to draw demarcation line between these terms, they do not have the same meaning. These terms define essentially different (legal) status, which determines the treatment of these categories of people, the corpus of rights they are entitled to according to the regulations of the international law and national legislations, as well as the responsibilities and obligations of the states on whose territory they reside or transit. Additionally, the paper aims at analysing in which way legal status of these categories of migrants is regulated in Serbia, in order to notice if it is in compliance with the international standards and if it provides appropriate legal basis for the treatment and protection of the mentioned categories.

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Galia Sabar ◽  
Adam Rotbard

Based on extensive qualitative research, this paper focuses on lament ceremonies Eritrean asylum seekers in Israel performed in public parks in 2008–2014.1 Specifically, we expose social and political structures of this diaspora, including mechanisms of survival in a context of harsh living conditions, a fragile legal status and a hostile environment. Following Werbner’s analysis of diasporas as chaordic entities, having no single representation and fostering multiple identities, we show how chaordicness underlies this diaspora’s ability to survive and thrive in Israel, and to embrace the unique Eritrean trans-local nationalism. We highlight how these public religious rituals were transformed into contested sites of identity formation following Israeli struggles against them. Finally, we shed light on the role that such ceremonies play in shaping transnational identities, as well as how disenfranchised communities of asylum seekers aim for visibility and recognition in the public sphere.


Author(s):  
Андрій Матвійчук

Сформульовано визначення поняття «міжнародна неурядова організація» (МНУО) як організоване об'єднання представників громадськості різних країн, створене відповідно до національного законодавства для досягнення цілей і завдань розвитку громадянського суспільства й міжнародних відносин, що діє відповідно до загальновизнаних принципів Уставу ООН і норм міжнародного права на території двох і більше держав і володіє консультативним статусом. З’ясовано, що видовими ознаками, які містять у собі: цілі й завдання, характер діяльності, форму організації, наявність консультативного статусу тощо визначається відмінність міжнародної НУО від інших суб'єктів міжнародних відносин. Такі родові ознаки (як от: факт об'єднання людей, наявність постійних органів управління, Статуту тощо) є загальними для всього класу (роду) організацій. Обгрунтовано, що МНУО як учасник міжнародних відносин, є суб'єктом міжнародного права, однак їх правосуб'єктність має функціональний характер, тобто обмежений її консультативним статусом. Продемонстровано, що МНУО є неофіційною сполучною ланкою між національними урядами й міжнародним співтовариством, беруть активну участь у розробці міжнародних стандартів, методів, моделей і співвідносять їхню національну значимість з міжнародно-правовою. Зазначається, що у національному законодавстві України спостерігається тенденція оптимальної розробки питань, що стосуються правового статусу МНУО з огляду на міжнародні принципи й стандарти. Водночас, не можна йти шляхом повного їхнього копіювання, оскільки держава, ґрунтуючись на своєму суспільно-історичному досвіді, досвіді функціонування правової системи, на існуючих суспільних відносинах і своїх національних інтересах, сама має право визначати правовий статус МНУО. Пропонується у змінах до закону «Про неурядові організації» відобразити основну ідею, яка полягає в тому, що неурядові організації є ядром громадянського суспільства, найважливішим фактором розвитку демократичної держави й міжнародних відносин, засобом реалізації громадянами своїх прав і свобод. Matviichuk Andriy V. Activities of international nongovernmental organizations in the legislative and legal space of Ukraine The definition of the concept of "international non-governmental organization" (international NGO) as an organized association of representatives of the public of different countries, formulated in accordance with the national legislation for the achievement of the goals and objectives of the development of civil society and international relations acting in accordance with the generally recognized principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the norms of international law on the territory of two or more states and has consultative status. It was found out that the specific features that include: goals and objectives, the nature of activity, the form of organization, the presence of consultative status, etc., is determined by the distinction of the international NGO from other subjects of international relations. Such generic attributes (such as the fact of association of people, the presence of permanent bodies of government, the Statute, etc.) are common to the entire class (kind of) organizations. It is substantiated that international NGO as a participant in international relations is a subject of international law, but their legal personality is functional, that is, limited by its consultative status. It has been demonstrated that the international NGO is an informal link between national governments and the international community and is actively involved in the development of international standards, methods, models and their national relevance with international legal law. It is noted that in the national legislation of Ukraine there is a tendency for the optimal development of issues related to the legal status of the international NGO, taking into account international principles and standards. At the same time, it is impossible to go through the full copying of them, since the state, on the basis of its socio-historical experience, the experience of functioning of the legal system, in existing social relations and its national interests, has the right to determine the legal status of the Ministry of the Interior. The proposed amendments to the law "On Non-Governmental Organizations" reflect the basic idea that non-governmental organizations are the core of civil society, the most important factor in the development of a democratic state and international relations, as a means of citizens' realization of their rights and freedoms.


Author(s):  
Jasper MacLennan Sugars

Refoulement, a French word meaning to reject; or backwash, is a contentious issue in the international law and policy. However, the word is unknown to most of the public world – the Australian government operations to deter asylum seekers titled ‘pushing back the boats', ‘operation sovereign borders' are questionably pushing the limits as to what's refoulement and what isn't – but the worded meaning in the convention relating to the status of refugees is the process by which a persecuted asylum seeker is forcibly removed back to a place where they are re-exposed to the same danger from which they are trying to escape. In this article, the author hopes to provide information to others who are interested in the area of refugee policy and, in particular Australia's role in the development of this increasingly important field of international law as well as the implementation of their own unique approach to dealing with asylum seekers arriving in their territorial waters by boat. in this chapter the author has made every effort to provide an unbiased, politically non-partisan view of the current policies which Australia has implemented under domestic law, which includes the act of turning back of boats and offshore processing in third-nation processing facilities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Axel Marx

Whether global rules and standards originate from a public intergovernmental body or from a private organization has significant implications for the applicability of international law such as wto law. However, how sensible is this distinction between public and private? This paper argues that the distinction between public and private standards only makes sense if one looks at the legal status of specific standard-setting organisations. However, the distinction between public and private begins to blur and fade if one switches the unit of analysis. First, the paper shows that private standards are often based on internationally agreed (public) rules and norms. Second, the paper argues that governments on purpose or in the design of their policies take these private initiatives on board. Hence, they become an integral part of ‘public’ governance. These arguments are developed on the basis of an analysis of Voluntary Sustainability Standards (vss).


1992 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rene Seerden

It is submitted in this article that transfrontier agreements (of a publiclaw character) between decentralized authorities can be considered as a kind of international administrative agreements. After investigation of the power to conclude international (administrative) agreements and their (assumed) binding legal force in public international law, the article concludes that transfrontier agreements between decentralized authorities are in principle of a national and not of an international public law character. This article is also focussed on (overall) legal bases for transfrontier cooperation between decentralized authorities. In this respect the European Outline Convention on Transfrontier Cooperation Between Territorial Communities or Authorities is important and will be discussed. The purpose of this convention, in force in several European states, is to provide a legal basis for transfrontier cooperation (of a public law character) between decentralized authorities. However in this matter states still consider additional norms necessary. In this respect two additional treaties have been concluded and will be discussed. The article concludes that these treaties not really are overall legal bases for the conclusion of transfrontier agreements between decentralized authorities.


Refuge ◽  
2002 ◽  
pp. 6-11
Author(s):  
Jaya Ramji

On paper, South African law concerning detention of asylum seekers appears consistent with international standards. However, the text of the Act is vague and overly broad, permitting interpretations inconsistent with international human rights standards. Further, in practice, officials often fail to uphold even the lowest standards of the Act, in violation of South African law. In order to protect the rights of asylum seekers, the South African government should institute formal guidelines and training programs, as well as a system of strong supervision and accountability, to ensure that the Act and Regulations are interpreted in a manner consistent with international law. Such a step will enable South Africa to live up to its noble post-apartheid human rights ideals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-197
Author(s):  
Stefan Wallaschek

The article analyses the discursive appeal to solidarity in the mass media during the unfolding of Europe’s migration crisis. Solidarity was claimed by numerous actors in the public discourse to legitimise political decisions and mobilise public opinion. While it seems that the call for solidarity was shared by many actors, media studies show the ‘partisan journalism’ of media outlets. Thus, the political orientation of media outlets influences their coverage of public debates. Hence, to what extent do different quality newspapers cover the same solidarity claims in times of crisis? In order to answer this question, the crisis coverage of two German and two Irish newspapers with centre-left and centre-right political orientations is examined via the discourse network methodology. Germany is selected due to high political parallelism and a strong affectedness by the crisis, while Ireland is selected because of low political parallelism and a weak affectedness by the migration crisis. The findings demonstrate that partisan journalism persists during Europe’s migration crisis. Especially German party actors are present in both countries, underpinning the central position of Germany. Regarding the appeal to solidarity, political solidarity claims prevail in all four newspapers, indicating the political-institutional asymmetry in the Common European Asylum System. The study contributes to the strategic framing of concepts in public debates and demonstrates that the left-right distinction of media outlets is hardly affected by the migration crisis.


2020 ◽  
pp. 194277862097235
Author(s):  
Ramah Awad

The Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement has made enormous gains for the Palestine solidarity movement by raising political consciousness about Palestine, shifting the public discourse and debate, as well as making inroads into municipal and federal advocacy. BDS has popularized solidarity with the Palestinian struggle for justice and self-determination by offering a means of taking action through a coherent set of tactics and demands and by articulating the movement in universally understood framework of human rights and international law. Whereas BDS has been the dominant strategy for supporting the Palestinian struggle for justice and liberation, it is one method of solidarity among others aimed at growing the abilities of Palestinians to be their own protagonists in the fight for their rights, national aspirations, and return to their homeland. This article argues that to address the conditions subduing Palestinian self-organizing, BDS efforts must be paralleled by additional strategies to bolster Palestinian movement-building and restore broad, participatory Palestinian leadership. Drawing from these experiences and the multiple spaces grappling with this question, the author offers four key ways that Palestine solidarity efforts can further shift from a model of solidarity to a model of co-struggling with Palestinians globally. In doing so, advocates for Palestinian freedoms can more effectively link anti-colonial modes of resistance—those intended to apply pressure to and weaken the colonial regime—with a decolonial praxis that enables Palestinians to cultivate their own methods toward rebuilding their society. Building on BDS as the baseline for solidarity, the author argues that solidarity activists can further strengthen the Palestinian liberation movement by working to reverse the conditions imposed by the Oslo Accords through understanding and confronting Zionism; centering Palestinian political prisoners and refugees in our work; endorsing alternative and independent funding models; and supporting Palestinian community organizing.


Author(s):  
Anuschka Tischer

Anuschka Tischer starts out with the historical analyses of the book by elaborating the dialectic of war discourses and international order in early modernity: according to Tischer, nearly every prince in early modern Europe came up with a ‘just reason’ when going to war. Whereas the theory of international law represented academic opinions, the political justifications offered the official view which fed into the public discourse. By referring to a general international law in their war declarations (and counter-declarations), the belligerent parties shaped the pattern of today’s modern international law. However, the early modern justifications represented the political and social values of pre-revolutionary Europe. While international law was regarded as universal, the European Christian powers distinguished between wars in and outside of Europe. The chapter reveals the contradictions inherent in this distinction by analysing how princes in early modern Europe justified their wars, which norms and orders were accepted, and how far international law was the result of elaborate discussions and power politics. Tischer’s findings are picked up by Hendrik Simon in his contribution on the nineteenth-century discourse of war and international order.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 414-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuseppe Grimaldi

Abstract This article focuses on emerging forms of ethnic identification among Italians of Ethiopian and Eritrean origins. In 2013, in parallel with the so-called refugees’ crisis in Europe, children of immigrants engaged in the Milanese management of forced migrations in the diasporic neighbourhood of Milano Porta Venezia. They legitimated their actions by emphasising a shared Habesha ancestral ethnicity with the asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa. The article considers their ethnic identification in relation to the changes in the public discourse on the Mediterranean route. These ethnic identifications and mobilisations are interpreted as claims for social recognition as Italians rather than a form of the revivification of their ancestral ethnicity in the analysis. The Black Mediterranean represent a privileged analytical and physical space to work on the resignification of Afro-European subjectivities in contemporary Europe.


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