scholarly journals Economic relations between China and Venezuela: modern characteristics and prospects

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-209
Author(s):  
Alexandra G. Koval ◽  
Mikhail I. Sorokin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Factor ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The North ◽  
Distinguishing Features

Venezuela suffers currently from a deep economic and political crisis. China, being significant partner for Venezuela, has recently increased its presence on the Venezuelan market. The study reveals the distinguishing features of modern Chinese-Venezuelan economic relations. It analyzes China's foreign economic strategy in Latin America and identifies the trends in trade, investment and finance relations between China and Venezuela. The conclusion is made that the Chinese strategy in Venezuela is not based on the concept of South - South cooperation, but it more relates to the North - South approach. At the same time, the political factor plays an increasingly significant role in the development of relationship between states from a perspective of escalation of the confrontation between the United States and China. The possible scenarios and consequences of the Venezuelan political crisis for China are identified and certain comparisons with Russia are presented.

The political economy of international shipping: Europe versus America

1985 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan W. Cafruny
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Shipping ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Challenge ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Theory Of Hegemonic Stability

The political challenge to the post-World War II order in shipping has been issued in the context of the North-South debate, but American power and interest are central to current developments. In the bulk and tanker sector the United States retains a strong interest in stability and successfully defends the existing order. In the liner sector, on the other hand, the United States has participated in recent assaults on the postwar order, producing great tension between Europe and America. There is a strong correlation between this growing maritime conflict and the political processes anticipated by the general theory of hegemonic stability. But “hegemony” and “power” are distinct concepts. Instability in international shipping arises neither from America's loss of power in shipping nor from challenges from Europe and the Third World. Rather, instability reflects American attempts to establish a closer identity between the existing regime and short-term national interest.

scholarly journals Is Populism a Political Strategy? A Critique of an Enduring Approach

2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172096235
Author(s):  
Daniel Rueda
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Close Inspection ◽  
Strategic Approach

The political-strategic approach is one of the most employed frameworks within the methodologically heterogeneous subfield of populism studies. In the last two decades, it has contributed to the analysis of populism both in Latin America and the United States and, more recently, in Western and Eastern Europe. That being said, a close inspection of its axioms and its conceptualization of the phenomenon shows that it is built on ill-conceived premises. This article intends to be a comprehensive critique of the approach that can contribute to the methodological progress of the field. It criticizes the three main dysfunctions of the approach: selective rationalism, leader-centrism, and normative bias.

The Rise and Decline of the Ariel-Caliban Antithesis in Spanish America

1978 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
John T. Reid
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
The North ◽  
Primary Image ◽  
Literary Device

Seldom has a literary device had such international political resonance as the famous Ariel-Caliban contraposition of José Enrique Rodó's essay. In the decades immediately following its publication in 1900 Ariel was an exceptionally valued credo for Spanish American youth, not only for its intrinsic grace, but also because it provided a timely answer to a widespread need. To a generation depressed by the frequently pessimistic conclusions of racist doctrines and an uneasy sense of inferiority, and irked by the admonitions of ninteenthcentury “Nordomaniacs,” Ariel offered in sonorous periods a set of values assumed to be peculiarly Latin and therefore the patrimony of Latin America. As Alberto Zum Felde says, “It was the longed-for reply of this weak backward America to the Titanic potentiality of the North: its self-justification, its compensation, its retaliation.” Luis Alberto Sánchez's generation must have derived, as he says he did, its primary image of the United States from Ariel. Arturo Torres-Ríoseco describes it as “the ethical gospel of the Spanish-speaking world.”

The Americas’ More Perfect Unions: New Institutional Insights from Comparative Political Theory

2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 808-828 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Simon
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Effects ◽  
The Political ◽  
Comparative Political Theory ◽  
National Productivity ◽  
Path Dependent ◽  
Comparative Political Science

The disparities in per-capita wealth and national productivity that divide the United States and Latin America today have often been understood as results of institutional variations introduced during each region's period of imperial rule. According to this interpretation, path-dependent processes preserved institutions installed by Britain, Spain, and Portugal across the centuries, propagating their positive or negative economic effects, and eventually producing a marked “development gap” in the hemisphere. This article aims to improve this account by highlighting the direct and indirect economic effects of the success or failure of the political unions establishedafterindependence in both the United States and Latin America. It demonstrates that influential political theorists throughout the hemisphere understood the developmental advantages to be gained from unifying former colonies and employing the political authority newly at their disposal to abolish the stifling institutional legacies of European rule, suggesting that if Spanish America's unions had endured, or conversely, if the United States had collapsed, the two regions' economies might not have diverged as dramatically as they subsequently did. This illustrates an important contribution that the emerging subfield of “comparative political theory” can make to comparative political science in general, and to the new institutionalism in particular, by providing uniquely direct insight into the choices available to political actors in consequential moments of institutional genesis and change, and revealing the contingency of institutional variations that might otherwise appear inevitable.

scholarly journals Latin America: development tendencies

2015 ◽  
pp. 25-29
Author(s):  
A. A. Orlov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Processes

The article analyzes the political processes taking place in Latin America. The author pays special attention to the increase of tension in some countries on the continent, especially in Venezuela, Argentina and Brazil. He comes to the conclusion that the United States, who have distanced themselves from Latin America’s affairs in recent years, head for «reformatting» of the continent under its own interest, that can have a serious destabilizing effect.

United States-Latin American Relations: Shifts in Economic Power and Implications for the Future

1984 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Bitar
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Relative Strength ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
Real Power ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Future

The purpose of this article is to analyze the evolution of economic relations between Latin America and the United States in the 1970s and to suggest the implications of this evolution. The central proposition is that a shift in relative strength took place during this period that created the potential for achieving a new balance of economic power. This shift also created tension in the old pattern of inter-American security links. The process of transforming potential power into real power had relevant implications for economic, political, and security interests.

The Revolution Under Raúl

2019 ◽  
pp. 151-164
Author(s):  
Anna Clayfield
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Change ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Importance ◽  
The Past ◽  
The North ◽  
The Way ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter investigates the on-going legacy of the guerrilla struggle between 2006 and 2018, the period of Raúl Castro’s tenure as Cuban President. It argues that, while many foreign commentators viewed the political, social, and economic change of these years as evidence that the Revolution and its socialist model were on the way out, the discursive phenomenon of guerrillerismo still very much anchored it in the past. Such an anchor remained of high importance to the leadership at a time of not only domestic upheaval but also shifting relations with its long-standing enemy to the north: the United States.

Mexico–Canada Economic Relations during the NAFTA Era

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Zepeda
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Trading Partner ◽  
Canadian Province ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The North ◽  
Trading Partners ◽  
Subnational Governments

Canada is Mexico’s third largest trading partner in terms of the overall bilateral trade, and both countries have become strategic allies during the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) era, between 1994 and 2020. Canada, Mexico, and the United States have been members of the NAFTA since 1994. For both Canada and Mexico, the United States is their first trading partner, in terms of exports, imports, and foreign direct investment. NAFTA has paved the way for economic integration between Canada and Mexico during the period of this agreement. It is significant to highlight the notable expansion of Mexico’s exports to Canada, but also of Canada’s investment in Mexico. From a subnational perspective, the provinces of Ontario, Quebec, British Columbia, and Alberta are among Mexico’s most important trading partners. Economic relations between Mexico and Canada has also facilitated international cooperation from subnational governments and important interchanges in education, science, culture, and environment. Quebec is the only Canadian province with a general delegation in Mexico and representations in several subnational states. The Canadian province of Saskatchewan has established important agreements in education with government agencies and universities in Mexico. Relations between Mexico and Canada have strengthened during the NAFTA era. Not only central governments but also subnational governments define the characteristics and dynamics of this relation.

President Moon Jae-in's Policy on the Settlement of the Inter-Korean Relations: Searching for a Balance between the Desirable and the Possible

2021 ◽  
pp. 107-117
Author(s):  
Valery Yu. Mishin ◽  
◽  
Anna V. Simonenok ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
North Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Practical Implementation ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
The Republic

Moon Jae-in came to power in May 2017 in the wake of the Korean political crisis and impeachment of the previous president Park Geyn-hye. Since the very first days of his leadership President Moon has set a course for a sequential transformation of the inter-Korean relations and prevention of the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula. The cornerstone of his program was the idea that the denuclearization of North Korea and the establishment of the long-lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula is possible provided that the North-South relations are normalized and Pyongyang is involved into the constructive peaceful dialogue. The authors demonstrate how Moon Jae-in was able to start the renaissance in the inter-Koran relations. He used the experience of the previous liberal governments of the Republic of Korea and successfully developed and enhanced the famous Sunshine Policy with his own ideas. The first stage of Moon Jane-in's presidency was marked with some serious foreign policy achievements. Thanks to the tactic of “summit diplomacy” President Moon was able to achieve significant reduction in tensions on the Korean Peninsula, which resulted in the fact that relations between the North and the South became more friendly and trustworthy. The historical documents signed during these summits - the Panmunjom Declaration (April 2018) and the Comprehensive Military Agreement (September 2018) - and their fast practical implementation can also be considered as President Moon's success. Further advancement of Moon Jae-in's course for building positive relationships with the DPRK faced serious obstruction from the United States. The authors show how simultaneously with settlement of inter-Korean relations President Moon had to deal with another difficult task - neutralization of the external factors (US sanctions and disagreements between Washington and Pyongyang) that were harmful for the development of the North Korea-South Korea relations. The tactics of being a mediator between the United States and North Korea chosen by Moon Jae-in was quite efficient in the beginning. The blatant enemies - Pyongyang and Washington - clamped down on their confrontation and sat at the negotiating table. However, the intransigence of Washington on the issue of a gradual and phase-based denuclearization of North Korea and withdrawal of sanctions altogether with the non-constructive criticism of the South Korean opposition made Moon Jae-in a hostage of the situation, limiting his potentially independent and substantive steps in foreign policy. Meanwhile, the authors of the research have come to the conclusion that on some issues President Moon was able to achieve much more than his predecessors. Despite the fact that he was unable to achieve a full-scaled settlement of the inter-Korean relations he did everything possible under the existing circumstances. Nowadays one can say that the challenges of the North Korean nuclear missile program and security on the Korean Peninsula are no longer entirely military topics, they are even more likely to be diplomatic issues. This fact is un-doubtfully his great accomplishment. Thus, it is possible to foresee good perspectives for the further declining level of the regional tensions and for the development of the inter-Korean relations.

Six continents at the Centro Sperimentale di Cinematografia in Rome: Flavia Laviosa in conversation with Alfredo Baldi

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Flavia Laviosa
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Set Design ◽  
The Political ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Academic Cycle

In this interview Alfredo Baldi, historian of the Centro Sperimentale di Cinematografia (CSC) in Rome, gives a detailed overview of the political, cultural and artistic reasons for the prevalent presence of students from about 100 countries and six continents in all the specializations offered at the CSC in Rome (directing, photography, set design and acting), since its foundation in 1935. More specifically, Baldi explains why the CSC was popular in the 1930s and 1940s among students from the Axis nations in pre-war Europe, mentions the fascination of world artists with Italian neorealism, attributes international interest of the CSC to the artistic reputation of the film professionals who taught at the CSC and expresses his interpretation of the reasons for the large numbers of students from Greece, the Arab nations, Latin America and the United States in the 1950s and 1960s. Since its foundation, the CSC has granted diplomas at the end of the two- or three-year cycle of studies, but starting in the 2021–24 academic cycle, it will grant university degrees. Baldi explains what led to this critical and long overdue academic and administrative shift.

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