political factor
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2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-209
Author(s):  
Alexandra G. Koval ◽  
Mikhail I. Sorokin

Venezuela suffers currently from a deep economic and political crisis. China, being significant partner for Venezuela, has recently increased its presence on the Venezuelan market. The study reveals the distinguishing features of modern Chinese-Venezuelan economic relations. It analyzes China's foreign economic strategy in Latin America and identifies the trends in trade, investment and finance relations between China and Venezuela. The conclusion is made that the Chinese strategy in Venezuela is not based on the concept of South - South cooperation, but it more relates to the North - South approach. At the same time, the political factor plays an increasingly significant role in the development of relationship between states from a perspective of escalation of the confrontation between the United States and China. The possible scenarios and consequences of the Venezuelan political crisis for China are identified and certain comparisons with Russia are presented.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ali Murtadlo

Islamic law transformative bid is made to replace the Islamic Law Compilation (KHI) in the form of Counter Legal Draft Compilation of Islamic Law (CLD-KHI), attracted the attention of academics, scholars and jurists of Islam in Indonesia. Many of those who reject and not infrequently also agree with the offer. This formulation is a challenge to bring order to respect Indonesia by Islamic law to all national character, culture and progress in democratization and upholding human rights, including women's rights. This study aims to answer the question (a) how is the legal istinbath method used in formulating the Counter Legal Draft Compilation of Islamic Law? (b) What is the formulation of the Counter Legal Draft Compilation of Islamic Law from the perspective of Jasser Auda's sharia maqasid? Library research using qualitative approach suggests that (a) the CLD-KHI is a legal draft in the form of provisions, so that in the process of its formulation is done through a procedural step that is done gradually, systematically, and involve several competent authority (b) Formulation of family law Islam offered in CLD-KHI in law istinbath method is not contrary to the concept of maqasid syariah Jasser Auda. However, the application instead of KHI still hindered political factor, because there are chapters that are considered controversial.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mark Dunick

<p>The New Zealand Socialist Party (NZSP) was the first radical socialist party in this country. The decade in which it existed was a time of rapid social change. The NZSP began in 1901 as a reaction against the Liberal Party which dominated New Zealand politics at the time. In its first five years the party had two main branches in Wellington and Christchurch, but it grew rapidly after 1907 with the expansion of industrial unionism. The NZSP was overshadowed by the Federation of Labour and never developed a coherent national organisation. As the working class began to organise nationally to challenge the Massey Government, the NZSP failed to adapt to the new political situation and dissolved in 1913.  The party began as a group of marginal outsiders, but as society changed and class became an important political factor, the NZSP played an important role in spreading new ideas and educating a generation of socialists. When the NZSP ended in 1913 the ideas it had promoted were widely accepted among New Zealand’s organised working class.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mark Dunick

<p>The New Zealand Socialist Party (NZSP) was the first radical socialist party in this country. The decade in which it existed was a time of rapid social change. The NZSP began in 1901 as a reaction against the Liberal Party which dominated New Zealand politics at the time. In its first five years the party had two main branches in Wellington and Christchurch, but it grew rapidly after 1907 with the expansion of industrial unionism. The NZSP was overshadowed by the Federation of Labour and never developed a coherent national organisation. As the working class began to organise nationally to challenge the Massey Government, the NZSP failed to adapt to the new political situation and dissolved in 1913.  The party began as a group of marginal outsiders, but as society changed and class became an important political factor, the NZSP played an important role in spreading new ideas and educating a generation of socialists. When the NZSP ended in 1913 the ideas it had promoted were widely accepted among New Zealand’s organised working class.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Warwick Tie

This article analyses the role of fetish—unspoken attachments—within and against the 2020 proposal to restructure the College of Sciences at Massey University.I look at the roles played by three forms of fetish: the commodity fetish, the fetishisation of intellectual labour, and the fetish of knowledge-without-consequences. I analyse the restructuring and its opposition by mapping these fetishes and the deadlocks to which they lead. In addition to highlighting insights that the concept of fetish generates into the politics of the restructuring, I speculate on the role of fetish as a political factor in the contemporary moment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Nurhaslita Sari ◽  
Arfriani Maifizar ◽  
Sri Wahyu Handayani ◽  
Agus Pratama ◽  
Nurasma Aripin ◽  
...  

This study discusses the shape and obstacles of policy control of North Aceh's Revenue and Expenditure Budget in 2020. This study aims to find out how the form and obstacles of monitoring the policy of Revenue and Expenditure Budget of North Aceh Regency in 2020. The method used in this paper is a descriptive qualitative research method. The authors collected data from multiple sources of research books, encyclopedias, journals and interviews with informants of the study. The results showed the form of monitoring of budget policy of North Aceh District Expenditure has not been carried out effectively, because only political. there are obstacles, such as education background of North Aceh DPRK member, political factor and lack of databases in monitoring the APBK North Aceh policy in 2020.


Author(s):  
Tatiana Solodovnikova

The paper presents the research based on the Belarus’s archival materials to trace the genesis of advertising communication starting from the 10th century to present-day Republic of Belarus. The work reveals that the formation and development of advertising communication evolved on the basis of European-wide traditions, but had a number of specific peculiarities. If the technological factor prevails to the forms of advertising communication and ways to reach the target audience, the social political factor has predetermined the content and role of advertising in modern Belarusian society: in the absence of a sovereign state and profound territorial fragmentation, advertising activities in Belarus appeared as a result of the manufacturers’ needs to promote their goods and services. The specifics of advertising communication in the Republic of Belarus are manifested in the slower rate of development progress in comparison to the European level and in the high sensitivity to the political context.


Author(s):  
Majid Tarawneh ◽  
Duaa Hajjaj

This study aims to better understand the sociolingustic factors that affect personal naming in Jordan by looking at five specific factors that affect it: religious, cultural, political, naming after someone, and musicality. It examines how these five factors affect the personal naming in respect to gender, generation, and geographical distribution in Jordan. The study also seeks to determine which of the five factors are the most and which are the least influential for naming practices in Jordan. To this end, 300 names were collected and analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively, with the results showing that these factors affect gender, generation, and geographical distribution in different ways. It also showed that the religious factor is the most frequent, whereas, the political factor is the least.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 157-167
Author(s):  
Askar Battalov ◽  
Svetlana Kozhirova ◽  
Tleutai Suleimenov

The authors discuss the evolution of religious identity of Azerbaijan and the impact of Middle Eastern actors (Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey) on the process. Today, the pro-Islamic leaders of the Middle East are attempting, with the persistence that can hardly be overestimated, to move into the Southern Caucasus, one of the world’s strategically important regions. Thus, the uncompromising rivalry of religious ideologies is hardly surprising. It means that the national and religious identities of post-Soviet Azerbaijan have come to the fore in the context of Iranian-Turkic, Iranian-Arab and Shi‘a-Sunni confrontation. Today, there are enough drivers behind the already obvious awareness of their religious identity among young Azeris. The complicated search for national and religious identities in independent Azerbaijan is driven by an outburst of national and religious sentiments during the protracted Karabakh conflict and two wars with Armenia (in 1992-1994 and 2020). The process is unfolding under the huge influence of theocratic Shi‘a Iran, the closest neighbor with its twenty-five million-strong Azeri diaspora; proliferation of the puritanical Wahhabi teaching of Saudi Arabia and Salafism as its export variant throughout the Caucasus, and, last but not least, strategic rapprochement with Turkey that is moving away from nationalism towards Islamism. This has made Azerbaijan a fertile soil for a confrontation within the multipolar Islamic world, which is expanding the geography of its conflicts to the Southern Caucasus. The proxy wars in Syria and Iraq, in which the Shi‘a-Sunni confrontation is also obvious may destabilize the Caucasus in the future. Here the authors assess the impact of the Middle Eastern heavyweights—Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey— on the process of shaping the Azeri religious identity as an Islamic political factor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 153-158
Author(s):  
William Klinger ◽  
Denis Kuljiš

This chapter highlights the Soviet expedition headed by General Lieutenant Nikolai Vasilyevich Korneyev of the twelve C-47 transport aircraft that flew to Astrakhan and then proceeded to Baku, Tehran, Baghdad, Tripoli, and Tunis. It describes Operation Bari as a Soviet special operation of the largest scale that intended to exercise control over the guerrillas from Athens to Marseille and then land the role of the key political factor in the new, fascism-free Europe. It also talks about the Italian government of Marshal Badoglio, who was most inclined to accept the Soviets as he had been entrusted by the Italian king with forming a new government after the capitulation. The chapter recounts how Badoglio's government agreed to make the base available to the Soviets in exchange for Joseph Stalin's recognition. It highlights that the city of Bari became the Red Army's Mediterranean headquarters.


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