Alberto Masferrer and the Vital Minimum: The Life and Thought of a Salvadoran Journalist, 1868-1932

1997 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Racine

The events of Alberto Masferrer's life and the parallel evolution of his social thought reveal much about the broader forces which shaped El Salvador and Central America during his generation. His lifetime brackets the consolidation of the Salvadoran state and the formation of modern social groups. Alberto Masferrer was born in 1868, the age of the Liberal presidents' ascendence throughout Central America; he died in 1932 as Depression-era dictators assumed power throughout that same region. In fact, 1932 is a watershed year in Central American history. With Agustín Farabundo Martí's failed Communist uprising in El Salvador and the murder of Augusto Cesar Sandino in Nicaragua, the early 1930s brought a decisive end to the possibility for Masferrer's idealized type of elite-led reform and instead turned opponents toward ideologically-motivated popular revolt. Alberto Masferrer, like most intellectuals, struggled with ideas and power. He realized that the liberal reforms of the late nineteenth century Presidents not only had failed to improve the material and moral condition of the majority of his countrymen, but actually had degraded them. Though Masferrer's admiring biographer Matilde Elena López observed that “[t]he reality of man exploited by an unjust society is the central idea of his life,” it remains no easy task to categorize the cranky journalist's thought for, indeed, he does not fit neatly into any single ideology. Masferrer the humanist gave primary importance to the betterment of social and economic conditions for those living on the material plane, while Masferrer as a Christian stressed the otherworldly values of humility, hard work, patience and charity. Masferrer the communist called for a return to the ejidal landholding system of the traditional Indian communities and a guaranteed standard of living for all Salvadorans, but Masferrer the corporatist recognized the existence of a natural state of hierarchy and felt that harmony would prevail if each remained true to his pre-ordained vocation. Masferrer the aesthetic arielista venerated language and culture, but Masferrer the criollista could not be restrained to the world of pure art and consistently returned to earth to criticize uneven social conditions. Masferrer the hispano-falangist idealized a strong and vigorous nation, yet Masferrer the pacifist abhorred violence and aggressiveness.

1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.


1998 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 885-887
Author(s):  
M. C. Pineda De Carias

Recently, important efforts have been made to organize and consolidate the Assembly of Central American Astronomers (AAAC), an organization created to contribute to the development of astronomy and astrophysics in Central America, with the help of international cooperation; the Central American Courses in Astronomy and Astrophysics, have been hosted each year by a different national university in Central America (1995: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Honduras, 1996: Universidad de El Salvador, 1997: Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, and 1998: Universidad de Panama). These courses aimed to provide an exchange of knowledge and experience among university staff and students interested in continuing studies in Astronomy and Astrophysics. Regional Observational Campaigns have been organized to train young astronomers in the use of astronomical equipment and observational techniques. It seems that the broad development of astronomy and astrophysics in Central American as a whole, will be possible only when nuclei of astronomers in each of the countries concerned begin to develop many more activities, countries As part of the III Central American Course on Astronomy and Astrophysics (III-CURCAA, April 1997, Guatemala), in a forum about Education and Research in Astronomy in Central America, several important conclusions were stated. In this paper we present the six most relevant conclusions discussed there.


Author(s):  
Miguel Reyes

The Northern Triangle of Central America is one of the most violent regions in the world. Although the violence has a long history, the countries of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador are currently experiencing a critical situation with a new threat: criminal gangs. This article explores regional violence and elaborates a peacebuilding proposal based on a reading of the concept of jubilee. Jubilee is explained via the categories of inclusion, reconciliation and rest. The article concludes that for the countries of the northern Central American triangle, the application of jubilee principles represents true peace in times of peace.


2011 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manzar Foroohar

This survey of the understudied topic of the Palestinian diaspora in Central America, based on existing documentation and interviews, focuses mainly on Honduras and El Salvador, the areas of greatest Palestinian concentration. Two waves of immigration are studied: the first and largest, in the early decades of the 20th century, was mainly Christian from the Bethlehem area in search of economic opportunities and intending to return; the second, especially after 1967, came as a permanent diaspora. The article describes the arrival from Palestine, the factors behind their considerable success, the backlash of discrimination, and finally assimilation. Palestinian involvement in Central American politics ( Right and the Left) is also addressed. The article ends with a discussion of identity issues and renewal of ties with Palestine.


ZooKeys ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1024 ◽  
pp. 157-196
Author(s):  
Jorge Ismael Nestor-Arriola ◽  
Víctor Hugo Toledo-Hernández ◽  
Ángel Solís ◽  
Guillermo González ◽  
Jaroslav Větrovec

A revision of the Central American species of the genus Brachiacantha was undertaken to update the knowledge of the Central American species of the genus. Material of several collections was reviewed, using original descriptions and keys, and comparing with the type material. Twenty-five species of the genus Brachiacantha were found in Central American material, including nine new species: B. nubes Nestor-Arriola, Toledo-Hernández and Solís, sp. nov., B. dentata Nestor-Arriola, Toledo-Hernández and Solís, sp. nov., B. isthmena Nestor-Arriola, Toledo-Hernández and Solís, sp. nov., B. aurantiapleura Nestor-Arriola, Solís and Toledo-Hernández, sp. nov., B. invertita Nestor-Arriola, Toledo-Hernández and Solís, sp. nov., B. papiliona Nestor-Arriola, Toledo-Hernández and Solís, sp. nov., B. tica Nestor-Arriola, Toledo-Hernández and Solís, sp. nov., B. hexaspina González, Větrovec and Nestor-Arriola, sp. nov., and B. mimica Nestor-Arriola and Toledo-Hernández, sp. nov. Nomenclatural changes include Brachiacantha gorhami (Weise), comb. nov., B. guatemalensis (Gorham), comb. nov., and Brachiacantha duodecimguttata Leng, syn. nov. for B. lepida Mulsant. The male genitalia of the species B. fenestrata Gorhan, B. octostigma Mulsant, B. aperta Weise, and B. cachensis Gorhan are described and illustrated for the first time. New records include B. indubitabilis Crotch and B. bipartita Mulsant (Costa Rica and Guatemala), B. gorhami (Weise) (El Salvador), and B. cachensis Gorham (Panamá). A key to the species is included.


2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES MAHONEY

During the twentieth century, the countries of Central America were characterised by remarkably different political regimes: military-authoritarianism in Guatemala and El Salvador, progressive democracy in Costa Rica and traditional-authoritarianism in Honduras and Nicaragua. This article explains these contrasting regime outcomes by exploring the agrarian and state-building reforms pursued by political leaders during the nineteenth- and early twentieth-century liberal reform period. Based on differences in the transformation of state and class structures, three types of liberalism are identified: radical liberalism in Guatemala and El Salvador, reformist liberalism in Costa Rica and aborted liberalism in Honduras and Nicaragua. It is argued that these types of liberalism set the Central American countries on contrasting paths of political development, culminating in diverse regime outcomes.


Subject With the dollar strengthening against many local currencies, remittances are on the rise. Significance The strengthening of the dollar has seen remittance figures in Mexico and Central America rise recently. While the weight of remittances varies greatly across Latin America, Mexico is by far the most important recipient in the region. However, the weight of remittance transfers in the Mexican economy only has a significant impact in certain areas, while in several Central American countries, notably El Salvador, they are vital to overall private consumption. Impacts As the US economy gathers strength, remittances should continue to grow, albeit at single-digit rates. While the economic relevance of remittances should decline in Mexico, it will continue increasing in Central America. Governments are faced with the challenge of redirecting the use of remittances from spending to investment.


Social Work ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Roth ◽  
John Doering-White ◽  
Karen Andrea Flynn

Central America is the seven-country region between Colombia and Mexico that includes Belize, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama. Of the 44 million total immigrants in the United States (US), approximately 8 percent (3.5 million) are from this region. However, among them Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras are overrepresented. Nearly half (1.4 million) of all Central America migrants in the United States are from El Salvador alone. Therefore, these three countries are the primary focus of this bibliography. Each has a complex history that has contributed to recent migration trends, yet Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras also share much in common and are often referred to as the “Northern Triangle” by policymakers and scholars. Out-migration from the region is attributable to many factors, including a long history of violence and political instability, international gang activity, and the drug trade—all problems that have been exacerbated by US policy. While some are traditional labor migrants, many others are asylees who are fleeing persecution. Regardless of why they leave their countries, Central American migrants have begun settling across the United States, including places that have not traditionally been receiving contexts for newcomers. In response, local and federal policies have been largely exclusionary, making their process of social, cultural, and economic adaptation more difficult. Central American migrants have also been criminalized by contemporary immigration enforcement rhetoric and practices in the United States. This has contributed to growing rates of deportation which, in turn, have contributed to the disruption of immigrant families. Transnational Central American families have been reorganized by migration in other ways as well. Parents have migrated in search of better economic opportunities, leaving their children in the care of extended family members, for example. At other times, migrant parents and their children have been forcibly separated by the immigration system, whether upon apprehension at the border or as a result of interior enforcement practices. As conditions in many Central America communities remain precarious, children, youth and families continue to seek asylum at the US-Mexico border. However, the laws and practices governing the asylum process are not static. As these laws change, it is incumbent upon social workers to stay informed about the needs of Central American migrants so they can more effectively advocate for their rights.


Author(s):  
Stephen G. Rabe

This chapter explores U.S. relations with Central America during the Kissinger years. In the 1980s, civil wars in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala frightened the Reagan administration into reasoning that the Cold War had come to the doorstep of the United States. The civil wars in El Salvador and Nicaragua erupted during Henry Kissinger's tenure (in 1972 and 1974, respectively). Wholesale political violence carried out by “death squads” continued to characterize life in Guatemala in the 1970s. Examining the U.S. response to the mounting right-wing oppression in Central America provides historical background to the crisis of the 1980s and deepens an understanding of Kissinger's worldviews. Whereas Kissinger may have been impervious to Central American violence, he acted boldly toward Panama, pushing both of his presidents to renegotiate U.S. control of the canal and the Canal Zone.


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