The Chilean Press: 1823-1842

1962 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-555 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret V. Campbell

A backward glance, a thumbnail sketch of the Chilean press from the colonial period to 1823, sets the stage for the story of the press from 1823 to 1842. To begin with, Chile was off to a late start — 1747. Mexico had a press in 1540; Lima, 1584; Santo Domingo, 1600; and Paraguay, 1715. Second, the press was closely related with the struggle for independence. Foreign influences were felt through a number of colorful figures such as Mateo Arnaldo Hoevel, a Swedish refugee involved in the assassination of Gustave III, the North-American Procopio Polloc, and three North-American typesetters. Camilo Henríquez, a priest, was “the mentor of the revolution,” while the prócer, Bernardo O'Higgins, also played an important role.

2021 ◽  
Vol 00 (00) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Ana Balda

This article interrogates the reputation, prevalent to this day, of Balenciaga as being anti-advertising and anti-media, according to some of his contemporary journalists as well as some of his employees and clients. The study contextualizes Balenciaga in the framework of the influence of the fashion press and the reality of the French couture licensing business in the North American fashion market from 1937 to 1968, his years on the international scene. Based on the analysis of the issues of Vogue, Harper’s Bazaar and Women’s Wear Daily for the same period, the research demonstrates that the designer had not always been so scornful of the media. He really was a discreet man, but this does not mean he hated the press, as his designs often appeared in the most influential fashion magazines. The article argues that the negative view in the media’s perception of him was generalized after his veto to the press in January 1956 – a decision he took for business reasons – and was retroactively attributed to his entire professional life.


1985 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 575-596 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Lawson

This was how the Public Advertiser greeted the passage of the Quebec Act through parliament in June 1774. It was a remarkable transformation from the ecstasy evident in newspaper reports that greeted the fall of New France in 1760. As early as November 1759 the city of Nottingham singled out the North American campaign as the glorious core of British strategy. Its loyal address congratulated the king ‘particularly upon the defeat of the French army in Canada, and the taking of Quebec; an acquisition not less honourable to your majesty's forces, than destructive of the trade and commerce and power of France in North America’. What occurred in those fourteen years to produce such a stark revision of views on the conquest of New France? The answer can be found partly by surveying the English press for this period. During these years, treatment of Canadian issues in the press displayed quite distinct characteristics that revealed a whole range of attitudes and opinions on the place Canada held in the future of the North American empire. No consensus on this issue ever existed. Debate on Canada mirrored a wider discussion on the future of the polyglot empire acquired at the end of the Seven Years War in 1763. In ranged from the enthusiasm of officials at Westminster to spokesmen of a strain in English thinking that challenged the whole thrust of imperial policy to date.


2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-494
Author(s):  
Philip Connell

AbstractThis essay reconsiders the character and significance of Edmund Burke's attitude to the seventeenth-century civil wars and interregnum. Burke may have venerated the “revolution principles” of 1688–89 over those of the 1640s, not least in the Reflections on the Revolution in France in which he notoriously compares English dissenting radicals to regicidal Puritans. Yet his response to the first Stuart revolution is more complex than has commonly been allowed and is closely bound up with Burke's earlier parliamentary career as a prominent member of the Rockingham Whig connection. The revival of an anti-Stuart idiom within the extra-parliamentary opposition of the 1760s, together with the mounting conflict with the North American colonies, gave renewed prominence to the memory of the civil wars within English political discourse. The Rockinghamites attempted to exploit this development—without compromising their own, more conservative reading of seventeenth-century history—but they were also its victims. In the years that followed, Burke and his colleagues were repeatedly identified by their political opponents with the spirit of Puritan rebellion and Cromwellian usurpation. These circumstances provide a new perspective on Burke's interpretation of the nation's revolutionary past; they also offer important insights into his writings and speeches in response to the French Revolution.


1988 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Winthrop R. Wright

In June, 1945, Time Magazine informed its readers that the North American singer, Robert Todd Duncan, had been refused accomodations by three prominent hotels in Caracas, Venezuela. This news, came as a shock to many Venezuelans who had considered their nation a racial democracy in which discrimination and prejudice did not exist. They felt doubly disturbed because a North American news magazine charged that the hotels had refused to admit Duncan, his wife, and his accompanist, William Allen, because of their race. They resented the fact that representatives of the press in the most racist society of the Americas accused Venezuelans of practicing racial discrimination of the sort found in the United States.


1963 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seymour B. Liebman

A history of the Jews in Mexico from 1521 to the present has never been written in any language. Few have written on any aspect of the life of the Mexican Jews during the colonial period. What little has been written has concentrated upon the life and family of the conquistador and Gobernador, don Luis Carvajal y de la Cueva (1539-1590) and one other Jew, Tomas Treviño de Sobremonte, who was burned alive in the Grand Auto de Fé of April 11, 1649.The focusing of attention on the Carvajals has obscured the fact that Jews had preceded them into Mexico by 60 years and that Jews have inhabited Mexico uninterruptedly since 1521. Little note has been made of the fact that Jews had been victims of the Inquisition prior to 1590. The historian's task of gleaning information from documents and people usually results in an interpretation colored by his own background, scholarship, economic status, conviction and even religion. We submit the following as a clear example of the foregoing.


1949 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-172
Author(s):  
Fanchón Royer

A foreign reader of the North American press inevitably receives the impression that the majority of our feminine citizens are breadwinners if not actual career women, and that the much-noted independence and aggression of the American woman is, in a large measure, based on this fact—that she is economically self-sufficient or could be so if it should become necessary through a marriage wrecked by death or divorce, or desirable for any other reason. A glance at the statistics, however, immediately proves that a maximum of no more than 14 percent of our women are constantly employed outside the home, though it must be granted that a larger proportion has worked before marriage and presumably could do so again. In any case, the total in no wise approaches that which might be deduced from the amount of attention that the American working woman receives in the press and films which, supposedly, reflect the American scene.


1949 ◽  
Vol 6 (02) ◽  
pp. 167-172
Author(s):  
Fanchón Royer

A foreign reader of the North American press inevitably receives the impression that the majority of our feminine citizens are breadwinners if not actual career women, and that the much-noted independence and aggression of the American woman is, in a large measure, based on this fact—that she is economically self-sufficient or could be so if it should become necessary through a marriage wrecked by death or divorce, or desirable for any other reason. A glance at the statistics, however, immediately proves that a maximum of no more than 14 percent of our women are constantly employed outside the home, though it must be granted that a larger proportion has worked before marriage and presumably could do so again. In any case, the total in no wise approaches that which might be deduced from the amount of attention that the American working woman receives in the press and films which, supposedly, reflect the American scene.


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