Political Change in Latin America: A Foreign Policy Dilemma for the United States

1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viron P. Vaky

In 1968 Henry Kissinger wrote: “A mature conception of our interests in the world … would deal with two fundamental questions: What is it in our interest to prevent? What should we seek to accomplish?” (Kissinger, 1974: 92) Whatever its general relevance, that passage is an apt description of the lens through which American policymakers have contemplated the phenomenon of political change in the Third World. Those are the first questions they tend to ask.The rationale for this particular concept of foreign policy tasks has its roots (1) in the complexities of an increasingly interdependent world in which world politics have become truly global for the first time in human history, and (2) in the deep antagonisms embedded in the US/Soviet relationship. Because nuclear realities .have placed a cap on the way in which the two superpowers confront and contend with one another, conflict between them tends to get pushed to the periphery and to take place in indirect ways.

2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Amina Ghazanfar Butt ◽  
Bahramand Shah

The United States of America serves as a unique site for the literary world of contesting cultures due to the immigrant writers whose spirit of quest pulled them to this terra firma, away from their homelands. These exiled writers reside in the US but their native lands remain the thematic concern of their works. This study critically explores and investigates fictional accounts of two contemporary diaspora authors, i.e. Isabel Allende and Bapsi Sidwa. These female authors from the third world countries present subversive female characters both in the diasporic setting of the United States and in their native locations. Sidwa and Allende create characters who resist the native patriarchal structures of the third world homelands and establish their individual identities in the first world metropolitan.


1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 40-48
Author(s):  
Howard J. Wiarda

The meetings of heads of state and foreign ministers of the eight already industrialized and the fourteen developing nations held at Mexico's lush island resort of Cancun raised high hopes and expectations among some, consternation and frustration among others. The real meaning and substance of the meeting were often obscured by the media's forced reliance on the official press briefings and, in the absence of other information, the emphasis on the food eaten, the elaborate security precautions, and the luxury of the surroundings. By now Cancún has faded from the headlines, but the issues and agendas raised are likely to be with us for a long time.The Cancún meeting may have been a watershed. It is not that the place is so important or even that this particular gathering was so crucial. The issues have been building for years. But what Cancún did was to provide a prestigious forum and sounding board for the Third World ideas, and to bring some of these home to the American public for the first time.


1990 ◽  
Vol 73 (6) ◽  
pp. 813-819
Author(s):  
Jimmy Carter

✓ In discussing the role of the United States in world politics, President Jimmy Carter described the changes in Europe as it prepares for unification into one economic bloc; the deteriorating conditions in the third world; the impact of the recent changes in communist countries; and the persistence of regional wars and civil disputes. He summarized the policies and activities of The Carter Center in Atlanta, Georgia. This nonprofit organization receives no government funds and can act as an independent agent in areas such as disease eradication and promotion of food production in the third world countries, and can intercede on behalf of peace in countries with civil unrest. He urged the members of the Association, as leaders of society, to use their influence in alleviating worldwide suffering.


1975 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Falk

A Hero of Our Time, gentlemen, is indeed a portrait, but not of a single individual; it is a portrait composed of all the vices of our generation in the fullness of their development. Mihail Lermontov, ‘The Author's Introduction’, A Hero of Our Time (1958). This article analyzes the reasons why Henry Kissinger has exercised such an extraordinary influence upon all sectors of world politics. It argues that Mr. Kissinger's role has not been beneficial because it has reflected his indifference to issues of morality and justice and his insensitivity to the obsolescence of the state system. To overcome Kissingerism is absolutely necessary for the achievement of political independence in the Third World and the sort of global reform which will be needed for the construction of a just and peaceful world order capable of meeting present challenges.


2021 ◽  
pp. 315-320
Author(s):  
William Klinger ◽  
Denis Kuljiš

This chapter recounts the end of the Cuban Crisis on 21 November 1962 as the US navy lifted the naval blockade when Nikita Khrushchev agreed to remove the missiles and nuclear warheads from the island. It talks about the secret agreement that the United States signed for the removal of the one hundre PGM-19 Jupiter ballistic missiles from their air bases in Gioia del Colle near Bari, Italy, and Çiğli near İzmir, Turkey. It also refers to Marshal Tito's initiative on the policy of Third World interventionism, which Khrushchev had accepted and imposed on his Stalinist comrades. The chapter investigates the nature of Tito's engagement in Moscow and of the real effects of the Yugoslav apparatus that acted as the Soviet Union's vanguard in the Third World. It discusses Tito's secret empire, which used long-proved cadres with impressive experience and constituted an elite political-diplomatic–intelligence network with global reach.


1987 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 667-704 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce W. Jentleson

Amidst their other differences, the defeats suffered by the United States in Vietnam, Iran, and Lebanon have a common explanation. In all three cases American strategy was based on “global commitments theory.” Interests were to be defended and global credibility strengthened by the making, maintaining, reinforcing, and sustaining of American commitments to Third World allies. However, the core assumptions on which the logic of global commitments theory rests are plagued with inherent fallacies. These fallacies can be identified analytically as patterns of dysfunction along four dimensions of foreign policy: decision-making, diplomacy, military strategy, and domestic politics. They also can be shown empirically to have recurred across the Vietnam, Iran, and Lebanon cases. The central theoretical conclusion questions the fundamental validity of global commitments theory as it applies to the exercise of power and influence in the Third World. Important prescriptive implications for future American foreign policy are also discussed.


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