Cancún and After: The United States and the Developing World

1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 40-48
Author(s):  
Howard J. Wiarda
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Developing Nations ◽  
The Third ◽  
Other Information ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Foreign Ministers ◽  
First Time

The meetings of heads of state and foreign ministers of the eight already industrialized and the fourteen developing nations held at Mexico's lush island resort of Cancun raised high hopes and expectations among some, consternation and frustration among others. The real meaning and substance of the meeting were often obscured by the media's forced reliance on the official press briefings and, in the absence of other information, the emphasis on the food eaten, the elaborate security precautions, and the luxury of the surroundings. By now Cancún has faded from the headlines, but the issues and agendas raised are likely to be with us for a long time.The Cancún meeting may have been a watershed. It is not that the place is so important or even that this particular gathering was so crucial. The issues have been building for years. But what Cancún did was to provide a prestigious forum and sounding board for the Third World ideas, and to bring some of these home to the American public for the first time.

Political Change in Latin America: A Foreign Policy Dilemma for the United States

1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viron P. Vaky
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Third World ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The Third ◽  
General Relevance ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Third World ◽  
First Time

In 1968 Henry Kissinger wrote: “A mature conception of our interests in the world … would deal with two fundamental questions: What is it in our interest to prevent? What should we seek to accomplish?” (Kissinger, 1974: 92) Whatever its general relevance, that passage is an apt description of the lens through which American policymakers have contemplated the phenomenon of political change in the Third World. Those are the first questions they tend to ask.The rationale for this particular concept of foreign policy tasks has its roots (1) in the complexities of an increasingly interdependent world in which world politics have become truly global for the first time in human history, and (2) in the deep antagonisms embedded in the US/Soviet relationship. Because nuclear realities .have placed a cap on the way in which the two superpowers confront and contend with one another, conflict between them tends to get pushed to the periphery and to take place in indirect ways.

Camp David and Beyond: A View From the Third World

Worldview ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 40-41
Author(s):  
Mowahid H. Shah
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fidel Castro ◽  
The Third ◽  
International Environment ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Independence Movements ◽  
Camp David Accords

AbstractOn the heels of Andrew Young's departure from the United Nations amid much publicity concerning U»S. failure to involve the Palestinians in Middle East negotiations, heads of state and representatives from ninety-two countries and three independence movements convened at the Sixth Summit Conference of Non-Aligned Nations hosted by Dr. Fidel Castro at Havana, Cuba.The Havana Declaration of September, 1979, adopted by the Non-Aligned Conference—perhaps the most powerful of Third World forums—censured the Camp David accords as a U.S. attempt to “obtain partial solutions that are favorable to Zionist aims and underwrite the gains of Israeli aggression at the expense of the Palestinian people.” In an international environment in which the United States increasingly finds itself in the minority on the majority of world issues, Third World attitudes toward the Camp David accords—of which the Havana Declaration is but the latest evidence—merit serious consideration.

The Third World Capital in the Balkans

2021 ◽  
pp. 305-310
Author(s):  
William Klinger ◽  
Denis Kuljiš
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Peaceful Coexistence ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Third ◽  
Nikita Khrushchev ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
The Third World

This chapter talks about the First Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries that took place in Belgrade in September 1961. It cites the Non-aligned Movement (NAM), which underlines an active and peaceful approach as something more than mere neutralism of the countries outside the global military and political blocs. It also mentions Michael Makarios III, the primate of the autocephalous Orthodox Church of Cyprus, who attended the conference. The chapter explains how the United States was forced to make aggressive moves to compensate for a non-existent weakness that was imposed on the American public by Nikita Khrushchev, who was aware he was lagging behind in the armament race. It discusses the mutual intimidation that threatened the peaceful coexistence between Moscow and the United States, which was good for Tito as the eternal mediator balancing between the big powers.

Alkohol im Tank – Bio-Kraftstoffe und die Grenzen moderner Mobilität

2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (136) ◽  
pp. 455-468
Author(s):  
Hartwig Berger
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
Fossil Fuel ◽  
Energy Resources ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
The Future ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Food Market ◽  
The One ◽  
The Third World

The article discusses the future of mobility in the light of energy resources. Fossil fuel will not be available for a long time - not to mention its growing environmental and political conflicts. In analysing the potential of biofuel it is argued that the high demands of modern mobility can hardly be fulfilled in the future. Furthermore, the change into using biofuel will probably lead to increasing conflicts between the fuel market and the food market, as well as to conflicts with regional agricultural networks in the third world. Petrol imperialism might be replaced by bio imperialism. Therefore, mobility on a solar base pursues a double strategy of raising efficiency on the one hand and strongly reducing mobility itself on the other.

The Diplomatic Campaign, 1963–1966

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregg A. Brazinsky
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
African Countries ◽  
The Third ◽  
United Front ◽  
The Third World

During the early 1960s, Beijing launched a new diplomatic effort to raise its visibility and promote its viewpoints in the Third World. Its goal was to assemble a radical coalition (or united front) of Afro-Asian states that opposed imperialism and revisionism. The PRC took advantage of the frustrations with the Great Powers harbored by Indonesia, Cambodia, Pakistan and some of the newly independent African countries to win allies in the Third World. The United States constantly sought to undermine these efforts by advocating more moderate versions of nonalignment and mobilizing public opinion against Chinese officials when they travelled abroad.

6. Cold wars at home

2021 ◽  
pp. 102-119
Author(s):  
Robert J. McMahon
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Third ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
State Relations ◽  
At Home

‘Cold wars at home’ highlights the domestic repercussions of the Cold War. The Cold War exerted so profound and so multi-faceted an impact on the structure of international politics and state-to-state relations that it has become customary to label the 1945–90 period ‘the Cold War era’. That designation becomes even more fitting when one considers the powerful mark that the Soviet–American struggle for world dominance and ideological supremacy left within many of the world’s nation-states. The Cold War of course affected the internal constellation of forces in the Third World, Europe, and the United States and impacted the process of decolonization, state formation, and Cold War geopolitics.

Surveying the Revolutionary Arc

2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-325
Author(s):  
Guy Laron
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Population ◽  
Skilled Workers ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Cold War

In the last decade, influenced by current economic trends, Cold War historians have made an effort to de-center the story of the Cold War. They have shifted their gaze from the center of the conflict—the face-offs in Europe between the Soviet Union and the United States—and cast an observing eye on the Third World. Unlike many Middle East historians who seek to understand the Middle East in terms of its unique cultures, languages, and religions, Cold War historians treat that area as part of a revolutionary arc that stretched from the jungles of Latin America to the jungles of Vietnam. Rather than emphasizing the region's singularity, they focus on the themes that united guerilla fighters in the West Bank and the Makong Delta as well as leaders from Havana to Damascus: anticolonial and anti-imperial struggles, the yearning for self-definition, and the fight against what Third World revolutionaries perceived as economic exploitation. The sudden interest in what was considered, until recently, the periphery of the Cold War has undoubtedly been fueled by the zeitgeist of a new century in which the so-called peripheral regions are set to become more dominant economically. Southeast and Southwest Asia, Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East have a surplus of young skilled workers who are increasingly in demand by the global economy as the growth of world population slows and more prosperous countries in West Europe and North America are graying fast. The Third World consists today of the very regions where most of the economic growth in coming decades will take place. Dependency theory has gone topsy-turvy: leading economists now look with hope at countries such as China, India, Turkey, and Egypt and expect them to become the new engines of global growth. It is not surprising, then, that historians are now taking a stronger interest in the tangled history of the Cold War in the Third World and discovering the agency that these countries always had.

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